Ill;) 



11 



i 



NEW-ENGLAND'S 



JONAS 

Caft up at Canban. 

1647. 



By Major JOHN CHILD. 



WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. 
BY W. T. R. MARVIN. 




Boston: 

WM. PARSONS LUNT. 
1869. 



TWENTY COPIES LARGE PAPER. 
ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES SMALL PAPER. 



No. 



A. 



INTRODUCTION. 




MONG the many affaults which the leaders 
of the Colonics of Plymouth and Maffa- 
chufetts Bay were obliged to endure, the 
publications of their adverfaries were not 
the leaft annoying. Appearing at a great 
diflance from the fcene of the events which 
they profeffed to defcribe, and affailing the honefty as well 
as the policy of the leaders here, their effe6l was felt, and 
their flatements believed by many who never faw the contra- 
didion. A complete catalogue of the various pamphlets 
iffued on both fides, would be an interefling contribution to 
New England Bibliography. Thomas Morton's "New Eng- 
lifli Canaan," publiflied in Amfterdam in 1636, was one of 
the firfl; unfavorable accounts, and Samuel Gorton's " Sim- 
plicity's Defence againfl Seven-headed Policy," iffued in 
1646, the moft recent attack, at the time when " New 
England's Jonas " appeared. 

The 



vi Introduction. 

The Tra6l which is reprinted in the following pages, is an 
evidence of the difcontent which exifted among certain 
claffes of the people in New England, who were excluded 
from a fhare in the government: and the circumftances it 
defcribes, which took place in 1644-6, were the caufe of 
great difturbance among the fettlers around Maffachufetts 
Bay. It was printed in London, in 1647, appearing, as we 
learn from Savage's New-England Gleanings,' on or before 
the 15th of April, claiming on the title page to be written by 
Major John Childe,^ a brother of Dr. Robert Childe, one of 
the figners to the petition it contains. It elicited an imme- 
diate reply from Winflow, the agent of New England, who 
was then in London, which was called " New-England's Sala- 
mander Difcovered," ^ and in the title of which " New- 
England's Jonas" is ftyled "an irreligious and fcornful pam- 
phlet," and elfewhere " a two-penny jeering Gigge, penned 
rather to pleafe the fancy of common underflandings, than 
to fatisfie any folid judgments.""* 

The title, " New-England's Jonas," was given to the Trad 
in confequence of a remark by Mr. Cotton, in a Thurfday 

Ledlure, 

' 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. viii. 287. » Publiflied, as we are informed by 

* Hubbard fays, Hift. N. E. p. 517, Savage's Gleanings, juft quoted, May 

that it was from the pen of Mr. ValTal, 29, of the fame year. 

" affifted as was faid, by a relation of Dr. •» New England's Salamander is re- 

Childe," and Winflow makes Vaffal the printed in full in 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. 

author of all but the Preface. Coll. ii. 1 14. 



httroduction, vii 

Le6lure, preached November 5, 1646, juft previous to the 
departure of the veffel which conveyed to England fome of 
the figners to the petition, with copies of that paper, a 
petition to Parhament, and other documents. His text was 
from Canticles, ii: 15, "Take us the foxes, the little foxes, 
which deftroy the vines." It was confidered by fome to have 
a perfonal application to certain members of the party about 
to fail, though Winflow flates ^ that " this text fell in his 
ordinary courfe of le6lures in going through that book, and 
not taken on purpofe on that particular occafion." However 
this may have been, Cotton doubtlefs knew that the intention 
of Vaffal and his affociates was to publifli fome account of 
their movements and treatment here, upon their arrival in 
England. 

Winflow gives a brief analyfis of the difcourfe, and repre- 
fents the preacher as faying : — " When the terrors of the 
Almightie fliall befet the veffell wherein they are, the heavens 
fliall frowne upon them, the billowes of the fea fliall fwell 
above them, and dangers fliall threaten them, (as I perfwade 
my felfe they will,) ... I will not give the counfell was taken 
concerning Jonah, to take fuch a perfon and caft him into 
the fea : God forbid : but I would advife fuch to come to a 
refolution In themfelves to defift from fuch enterprifes, never 
further to engage in them, and to cafl fuch a petition into 

the 

*3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 126. 



viil Iiitroditdion. 

the fea, that may occafion fo much trouble and difturbance." ^ 
The predidion of a florm might with fafety be made, for it 
was early in the winter that the veffel, which was called the 
Supply, departed : ^ and Winflow tells us flie " rode out many 
feareful ftreffes in the harbour, after they were ready, before 
they could goe to faile, the wind being faire, but overblowing." 

Thefe words of warning feem to have produced a very 
marked efifed upon fome of the hearers, for we are told that 
" Mr. Thomas Peters had his goods and bedding on board 
to go, but hearing Mr. Cotton's ledure he took them out, 
and went in another fliip by way of Spain." ^ " After they 
came to fea," fays Winflow, they " had the terribleft paffage 
that ever I heard on, for extremitie of weather ; the marri- 
ners not able to take an obfervation of funne or ftar in feven 
hundred leagues fayling or thereabouts."^ 

When they had proceeded fome diftance on their voyage, 
in which they doubtlefs experienced unufually fevere weather, 
they encountered a ftorm more violent than anything that 
had preceded, and many of the paffengers '° were greatly 

alarmed. 

«Ibid, p. 129. Yet Winflow fays, p. s Drake's Hillory of Bofton, 298, 

133, that ''Jonas was but once acciden- note: 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. 

tally named, and that by way of dired; » 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. 

oppofition to fuch counfell." '" Befide Mr. Vaffal, and Mr. Fowle, 

■^ Felt Eccl. Hift. i. 592, gives the the names of the following perfons are 

date of failing as about December 15. given by Winflow as paffengers on the 

veffel. 



Introdicction. 



IX 



alarmed. The tempeft continued fo long, that their fears 
increafed ; and " certain well difpofed Chriftians called to 
mind the things delivered by Mr. Cotton." " A woman on 
board, in particular, feems to have been more terrified than 
the reft, running about the fhip after midnight in confterna- 
tion and infifting that if a Jonas was on board, it fhould be 
produced and the " fliip delivered of it." '" She firft called 
on Mr. Vaffal,'^ who afked her why fhe came to him, and was 
anfwered, " Becaufe it was thous^ht he had fome writino-s 
againft the people of God." He replied that he had only a 

petition 

cabbin, and addrefTed her fpeech in fo- 
brietie and much modefty to them." 3d 
Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. The fears 
produced by the llorm, however, and 
the remembrance of the fermon, which 
the dangers they were in led many of the 
palTengers to feel had been prophetic, 
would afford a fufficient apology for her 
excited ftate, and thefe fads, in connec- 
tion with her fubfequent condudl, ap- 
pear to corroborate Childe's account. 

" Winflow fays, ibid. p. 133, that there 
was " no fpeech between the woman and 
Mr. Vaffall that I can learne, but be- 
tweene Mr. Fowle and her, ihee under 
no diftemper of paffion, but modeft, dif- 
creet and fober in her carriage thorow 
out the whole." Yet as he fpeaks of 
feveral as being in the cabin, the ac- 
count of Childe is not difproved. He 
alfo fays that Fowle acknowledged the 
ftatements in " New England's Jonas " 
to be falfe, before feveral witneffes, 
whom he names. 



veffel. Mr. William Golding, teacher 
of a Church in the Bermudas, and who 
preached a fermon of thankfgiving for 
their fafe arrival in England, Captain 
William Sayles, late Governor of Ber- 
mudas, Mr. Richard Sadler, Captain 
Leveret, and Captain Harding. Her- 
bert Pelham was prefent at the Le(5lure, 
had arrived in England, and feen the 
MS. of the " Salamander " previous to 
its publication; and though Winflow 
does not name him as a paffenger, he 
was probably on board. Dr. Childe, 
John Dand, and John Smith, (figners of 
the Petition,) had arranged to go, but 
were arrefled and held till after the 
veffel had failed. 

" 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. 

" This account is that given by Childe. 
Winflow denies many of his ftatements, 
and fays " the woman was not in a dif- 
trafled paffion as they reported." His 
verfion is that " a godly and difcreet 
woman after midnight went to the great 



X I7^trod^lctio1^. 

petition to Parliament, praying for the liberty of Englifli 
fubjeds. That certainly could be no Jonas. She next 
vifited Mr. Fowle,''* " in a like diftraded manner," who, flie 
found had a copy of a petition, which he and others had 
prefented to the General Court at Boflon. To her anxious 
inquiries, we learn from Winflow,'^ that Fowle replied " in 
thefe words, or to this purpofe, ' Sifter, I fliall be loath to 
grieve you, or any other of God's people with any thing I 
fliall doe ; ' and immediately went to his cheft or trunke, and 
took out a paper, and gave it to her, and referred it to the 
difcretion of others to doe withall as they fliould fee good." 

She took the document to her companions, — Mr. Richard 
Sadler and others, — who after confulting about it, determined 
to difpofe of it, as the mariners difpofed of Jonah on his 
voyage to Tarfliifli ; " Although," fays Winflow,'^ " they knew 
it was not the right Petition but that they were deluded, yet 
becaufe they judged it alfo to bee very bad, having often 
feene it in New England, but never liked the fame, cut it in 
peeces, as they thought it deferved, and gave the faid peeces 
to a feaman, who caft them into the fea." '^ The tempeft did 

not 

'■' Fowle feems to have regretted his '^3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. 

connection with the affair, if we may '" Ibid. j). 132. 

judge from Winflow's account of his "■ There is an apparent contradi6lion 

condu6l at this time, and later. See alfo in this remark. Perhaps Winflow ufes 

Hubbard's Hiftory, p. 518. Neal, Hift. the word debided here, in the fenfe of 

N. E. i. 238, fays Fowle preferved the trifled ivith, for by his own account 

originals, and gave her copies only. there feems to have been no attempt at 

deception ; 



Introduction. xi 

not abate its violence at once, however, and a fortnight after, 
they encountered another, near the coaft of Scilly, where as 
Window remarks with an unufual flroke of humor, " they 
found themfelves involved as it were between Scylla and 
Carybdis," and where they experienced a deliverance from 
fliipwreck which his account defcribes as almoft miraculous, 
fully offsetting the "fained miracle " to which Childe alludes 
in his title. The real " Jonas " remained in the fliip through 
all its perils, and was " cafl up at London " in fafety, with all 
the paffengers and crew. 

Their fafe arrival was attributed by fome to the deftrucftion 
of the Petition to Parliament which had not been thrown 
over; the paper which met that fate being, as we have feen, 

and 

deception ; yet in the fame connexion, larize, feem to lead us to the conclufion 
a page or two beyond, he ufes the word that Winflow's zeal in defending his 
again as fynonymous with deceived, party rendered him incautious in fome 
They could hardly be deceived with of his ftatements, and too ready to con- 
what they themfelves knew to be a tradift his opponent's ftory. As his 
fraud, if it was fuch, as he feems to im- reply was evidently haflily written, ap- 
ply. If they faid nothing to Vaffal, as pearing, as we have feen, only fix weeks 
Winflow afferts, (Note 13,) they might after "Jonas" was " Caft up," and as 
well have regarded this petition as that the leading points in his narrative were 
which Cotton had advifed them to throw drawn from the teftimony of others, we 
into the fea, fhould a ftorm arife. Their can readily account for the apparent 
condu6l during the florm, ftrengthens inconfiftencies of his ftory, without in 
this view ; for at Scilly, a fortnight the leaft reflefting on his general accu- 
later, when they were in greater peril, racy. It is amufing to notice his care 
no fearch for documents was made, to mention that it was not one of the 
Thefe fa6ls, and the popular accounts anxious and frightened paffengers, but 
of the affair, as well as other circum- one of the failors, who caft it into the 
ftances not neceffary further to particu- fea. 



xii Introdtcction. 

and as Major Childe remarks, only a ' copy of their petition 
to their own Court at Bofton.' Some of the paffengers held 
a fpecial fervice of thankfgiving for the happy termination 
of their voyage, and Mr. William Golding, one of their 
number, preached a fermon on the occafion. Vaffal and 
his affociates, on the other hand, prepared their verfion of 
the fhory, and a few weeks after publiflied it, with the 
documents accompanying. Remembering the experience 
of Jonah, to whom thefe papers had been compared, they 
carried the allufion flill farther, and gave it the title it 
bears, to the difguft of Winflow, and the amufement of his 
opponents. 

A party in favor of allowing thofe who were not church- 
members a larger influence in public affairs had been grad- 
ually gaining ftrength in New England, as they had in the 
mother country, and were only waiting for a favorable oppor- 
tunity to make themfelves felt. But a fliort time before the 
occurrences detailed in " New-England's Jonas," Roger Wil- 
liams had been baniflied for afferting the principles of 
toleration, and the leaven of the ideas which he maintained 
was flill at work. The policy of the Government was reflric- 
tive. " Their fundamental error," fays Judge Story,'^ " was 
a do6lrine which has fuice been happily exploded. I mean 

the neceffity of a union between Church and State 

They 

"* Difcourfe in Commemoration of the Firft Settlement of Salem, p. 55. 



Introduction. xiii 

They not only tolerated the civil power in the fuppreffion of 
herefy, but they demanded and enjoined it." Toleration of 
anything but an orthodox belief they could not allow. " As 
for fuch a toleration as our brethren defire," faid the Prefby- 
terians, in a paper prefented December 25, 1645, during their 
difcuffion with the Independents in Weftminfter Affembly, 
" we apprehend it will open a door to all fe6ts ; and though 
the Independents now plead for it, their brethren in New 
England do not allow it."'^ In the pocket of Governor 
Dudley, who died July 13, 1653, were found fome lines, 
which it is faid he compofed, and of which the following is 
a fpecimen: — 

" Let men of God in Courts and Churches watch 
O'er fuch as do a toleration hatch ; 
Left that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice, 
To poifon all, with herefies and vice."^° 

The whole fpirit of the Colony being thus oppofed to 
toleration, the fafeft courfe to guard againft it feemed to be 
to reflri6l the legiflative power and the eledlive franchife to 
Church members. Yet, as has been remarked, a party in 
the State had begun to refift this policy, and its exiflence 
caufed fome uneafmefs. About the time of the movement 
by Vaffal and Childe, fays Felt, " a law was ready to pafs 
here, allowing men who had joined no Congregational 

Church, 

'' Neal, Hifl. Puritans, ii. 17. '"Publications Narraganfet Club, ii. 63. 

c 



XIV Introdtictio7i. 

Church, equal privileges with thofe who had, in all town 
concerns, but its enadment was poflponed, becaufe it had a 
bearing on the application of Childe and his affociates."" 

The fa6t that fuch a law was contemplated here, with the 
courfe of the Independents in England, fliows an increafing 
defire for the removal of legal reftri6lions on ecclefiaflical 
matters. " The Commiffioners had ordered the Weft India 
plantations, and Somers Iflands, under their fupervifion, to 
allow ' liberty of confcience,' and ' had by letters intimated 
the fame to the New England Colonies.' " " Of this ftate 
of things, Vaffal and his party were not flow to take advan- 
tage, and their movements foon created trouble. 

Among the earlieft allufions to thefe difturbances is the 
brief comment of Bradford, who writing under the date of 
1646, remarks: — " This year .... fome difcontented perfons, 
under the government of the Maffachufets, fought to trouble 
their peace, and difturb, if not innovate their governmente, 
by laying many fcandals upon them, and intended to profe- 
cute againft them in England, by petitioning and complain- 
inof to the Parlemente." ^"^ 



'& 



The moving fpirit, from all accounts,^^ was William Vaffal, 
who, although defcribed as a gentleman of affable and agree- 
able 

»' Ecclefiaflical Hiftory, i. 576. ^^ See Savage's Winthrop, ii. 319 : 

*' Ibid. i. 577. See Winthrop, ii. 321. Hubbard, 500 : Hutchinfon, i. 137 : Ban- 
** 4th Mafs. Hid. Soc. Coll. iii. 442. croft, i. 438 : Palfrey, ii. 167. 



Introduction. 



XV 



able manners, was " always oppofed to the Government, both 
in Maffachufetts and Plymouth." ^^ His influence was con- 
fiderable, in both the Colonies. He had been one of the 
Affiftants in the Maffachufetts Company, and at this time 
his brother Samuel, who had alfo been an Affiflant in the 
fame Company, was a member of the Long Parliament, and 
alfo one of the Parliament's Commiffioners for the Govern- 
ment 



25 Vaffal took the oath of fidelity at 
Scituate, February i, 1638. He refided 
there on his eftate, which he called the 
" Weft Newland," until he returned 
to England in 1646. From England he 
went to the Barbadoes, having come 
into the poffeffion of valuable property 
there, and refided in St. Michael's par- 
ifh until his death, in 1655. He was 
probably the wealthieft perfon in Ply- 
mouth Colony before acquiring his 
eftates in the Weft Indies. In 2d Mafs. 
Hift. Soc. Coll. iv. 244, from which moft 
of the preceding information was ob- 
tained, we find the following account of 
Vaflal, which is more favorable than 
that of moft of his contemporaries : — 
" As he was of the Church of England, 
and adhered to its ceremonies, we do 
not meet with him in civil office ; but 
the immediate government of Plymouth 
Colony evidently held him in juft and 
deferved eftimation, and on emergent 
occafions his worthy name occurs, as of 
the Council of War. He was clearly 
a public fpirited man, liberal in his 
opinions and views, though fomewhat 
reftlefs." 



Winthrop fpeaks of him as "a man 
never at reft, but when in the fires of 
contention." Winflow is extremely fe- 
vere on him, faying, he " labored two 
years to draw me to his party, and find- 
ing hee could no way prevaile, he then 
cafts off all his pretended love, and 
made it a part of his worke to make 
mee of all men moft odious, &c." 3d 
Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 137 ; and page 
1 1 1, he charges him with being " never 
willing to beare any part of the charge 
in fupporting the [commonwealth,] as 
appeared by his conftant cavilling there- 
at, whenever any rates came upon the 
country, though never fo eafy and juft." 
Hubbard defcribes him as " a man of 
pleafant and facetious wit, and in that 
refpe(5l complacent in company, but for 
his aflings and defigns of a bufy and 
fadlious fpirit, and indeed a meer Sala- 
mander by his difpofition, that could 
take content in no element, but that of 
the fire." And Palfrey fays, ii. 167, that 
" the records of Mr. Lothrop's church 
at Scituate, as early as the year 1637, 
prefent fome confirmation of Vaflal's 
perverfe and uneafy difpofition." 



xvi hitrodttdion. 

ment of Foreign Plantations. He was flrongly in favor of 
toleration, and " had laid a fcheme for the petitions of fuch 
as were non-refidents, to the Courts of both Colonies, and 
upon the Petitions being refufed, to apply to the Parliament, 
pretending they were fubjecfted to an arbitrary power, extra- 
judicial proceedings, &c." "^ He defired "that the diflinc- 
tions which were maintained here, both in civil and church 
eftate, might be taken away, and that we might be wholly 
governed by the laws of England." ^^ 

Before his fchemes were matured, an occurrence took 
place which gave him the defired opportunity. Some of 
the Colonial leaders had objeded to affigning a fpecific 
penalty to every offence againfl the laws, believing that the 
varying circumftances of individual cafes of crime fliould 
in fome degree regulate the punifliment ; and this fa6l had 
excited the feeling among certain parties, that there was too 
great an opportunity for the exercife of arbitrary power, by 
the magiftrates. The firft appearance of difcontent mani- 
fefled itfelf at Hingham, not far from Scituate, where Vaffal 
refided, and many, both in Plymouth and Maffachufetts 
Bay, attributed to him a controlling influence in the diffi- 
culties which followed. His name was not attached to the 
petitions which were fo obnoxious to the Government, but 
he doubtlefs aided in their preparation. A partial account 

of 

'^ Hutchinfon's Hift. Mafs. i. 137. "" Winthrop, ii. 319. 



Introdtidion, xvii 

of this affair is contained in the firfl part of " New England's 
Jonas," and the whole circumftances are detailed at length in 
Winthrop, volume fecond, pages 271 to 286. They were 
briefly thefe : — 

The town of Hingham having had a lieutenant, Anthony 
Ernes, for feven or eight years, in 1645 chofe him to be 
their captain ; but before he had been confirmed by the 
ftanding council, offence was taken at fome a(ft of his, and a 
majority of the citizens chofe Bozoun Allen in his place. 
The magiftrates refufed to " allow of Allen," and ordered 
both fides to return home and await further orders. A 
confli6l of military authority foon took place, and as the 
majority fupported Allen, trouble at once enfued, and many 
of the people of Hingham complained that the courfe of 
the magiftrates was arbitrary and unjuft. The affair was 
brought before the church, and the minifter, Peter Hubbert, 
or Hobart, " was very forward to have excommunicated the 
Lieutenant." In the mean time, Emes and fome of his 
friends inform the magiftrates, who arreft the principal offen- 
ders, and Hobart, whofe condu6l feems to have been very 
provoking to the authorities, is informed that ** were it not 
for refpe6l to his miniftry, they would commit him alfo." 
The parties who were arrefted, were bound over for trial, 
and at the next General Court, they, with other citizens of 
Hingham, to the number of about ninety, complained of the 
magiftrates, and petitioned to be heard. ^, . 



xviii Introdttctio7t. 

Their petition was prefented to the deputies, who fent it 
to the magiflrates for their concurrence, who, " marvelhng 
that they [the deputies,] would grant fuch a petition without 
defirins: conference firft with themfelves whom it fo much 
concerned," affented, only requiring that fpecific charges 
fhould be made, and the particular magiflrates by whom the 
petitioners were aggrieved, fliould be named. The Deputy 
Governor, Winthrop, was fmgled out, and the profecution, 
after fome delay, was commenced. The refult was a divifion 
of opinion. " Two of the magiflrates,^^ and many of the 
deputies were of opinion that the magiftrates exercifed too 
much power, and that the people's liberty was thereby in 
danger ; and other of the deputies, (being about half,) and 
all the reft of the magiflrates were of a different judgment, 
and that authority was overmuch flighted, which if not 
timely remedied, would endanger the commonwealth, and 
bring us to a mere democracy." ""^ 

The difcuffion continued feven weeks, with but one week's 
intermiffion. Not being able to agree, arbitration was pro- 
pofed by the magiflrates, but rejedled by the deputies, and 
the affair was finally fettled through a committee of con- 
ference. The refult was that Hobart and the petitioners 

were 

'8 Thefe were Bellingham and Salton- tonftall, too, was his [Bellingham's] inti- 

ftall. Palfrey, in a note, ii. 175, fa3-s mate friend." See alfo Mafs. Col. Rec. 

that "Bellingham was always, in thefe ii. 125. 

times, oppofed to Winthrop Sal- *® Winthrop, ii. 277. 



httroduction. xix 

were fined about one hundred pounds,^" the acftion of the 
magistrates fuflained, and the Deputy Governor honorably 
acquitted. 

Savage fays that Winthrop's narrative, from which our 
account is condenfed, is " as nearly impartial as can ever be 
expedled from the mofl: honefl and enlightened contemporary, 
were he an obferver only, inftead of a mover of the occur- 
rences." ^' Winllow, in his Salamander, remarks that Win- 
throp, " as on all other occafions, fo in this particular, much 
honored himfelfe by leaving his place upon the Bench, and 
going to the Bar, and would not be perfwaded to cover his 
head, or take his place till the cafe was heard and ended." ^^ 
He further charges Vaffal with being an inftigator of the 
whole trouble, faying " our Salamander [Vaffal] living too 
neere them, and being too well acquainted with them, blew 
up this to fuch a height, by his continuall counfell and 
advife, which the major part of the Towne followed to their 
own fmart." " Bancroft fays that " the root of the difturb- 
ance at Hingham exifted in a ' prefbyterial fpirit,' ^^^ which 
oppofed the government of the colonial commonwealth," 

and 

30 See Winthrop, ii. 286-7, for extrafls ^s 3^ Mafs. Hill. Soc. Coll. ii. 115. 

from the records of the deputies' pro- ^^ Ibid. p. 1 14. 

ceedings, where the names of many of ^^ Doubtlefs referring to Hobart, who 

the parties in this affair, and the amounts is defcribed by Winthrop as "of a 

they were fined are alfo given. Presbyterial fpirit, did manage all affairs 

" See alfo Mather's Magnalia, Book 2, without the Church's advice." ii. 235-6. 
pp. 12, 13. 



XX Introduction. 

and all authorities appear to condemn the courfe of 
Hobart.^5 

The excitement which thefe events produced was very 
great, and though Vaffal was defeated in thefe plans to 
fubvert the authority and influence of the magifl:rates of 
Maffachufetts Bay, he was not diflieartened by his failure. 
The next movement of the party was made in Plymouth 
Colony, at a General Court held in the middle of Odober, 

1645, when a written propofition was offered; "the fume 
of it was, To allow and maintaine full and free toleration 
of religion to all men that would preferve the civill peace, 
and fubmit unto government ; and there was no limita- 
tion againft Turke, Jew, Papift, Arian, Socinian, Nicho- 
laytan, Familift, or any other." ^^ To this, fays Winflow in 
his letter to Governor Winthrop,^^ " the deputies were moft 
made beforehand, and the other three affifl:ants,^^ who ap- 
plauded 

3»Hobart refifted the MarOial who 'Mbid. 
went to Hingham, March 18, 1645, ^'^^ ^s -phe Affiftants for this year were, 
queftioned the authority of the warrant, Edward Winflow, WilHam Collier, (who 
ufing language which the authorities was abfent when the fcheme was pro- 
deemed contemptuous and feditious, pofed, but would feem to have been 
and he was again fined, the 2d of June, oppofed to it,) Miles ' Standifli, John 

1646, twenty pounds, and placed under Brown, Timothy Hatherly and Edmund 
bonds of forty pounds for his good be- Freeman. We infer from Winflow's 
havior. See alfo Johnfon's Wonder- letter in Hutch. Coll. that the fuggeflion 
working Providence, p. 85. Winthrop, was favored by the lafl four named, and 
ii. 235, 235. Palfrey, ii. 258. was brought forward by one of their 

'6 Hutchinfon Coll. i. 173-4, Prince number. 
Society's edition. 



Introductio7i, xxi 

plauded it as their Diana." He further remarks in the fame 
letter, " You would have admired to have feen how fweet 
this carrion reliflied to the palate of mcft of the Deputies." 

The tranfadlion does not appear upon the records, perhaps 
for the reafon given by Winllow, that " the Governor, 
[Prence,] would not fuffer it to come to vote, as being that 
indeed would eate out the power of godlines," and the matter 
feems to have fubfided here, fo far as Plymouth was con- 
cerned. 

The movers being thus again thwarted by the delay of 
the General Court of Plymouth, prepared a petition to the 
General Court of the Maffachufetts Bay, which they ftyled a 
" Remonflrance and humble Petition, &c." and which as it 
is printed in full in the following Tra6l, it is unneceffary 
here to defcribe, except in the briefeft manner.^' 

It begins with thankfully acknowledging the pains, care 
and vigilance, which, by the bleffmg of God, had procured 
peace and plenty for New England, while the mother country 
was fuffering from the devouring fword and inteftine wars. 
Yet, while thofe at the helm could bell forefee the clouds, 
Itorms and tempefls which were threatening the poor handful 

planted 

33 The Petition, with the Reply of the the Hutchinfon Papers, Vol. i, pp. 214 
Government, is alfo printed in full, in et feq.. Prince Society's edition. 



XXll 



IntrodMctio7t. 



planted here, thofe under decks may befl; perceive the " leaks 
which will inevitably fink the weake and ill-compaded 
veffell," if not prevented. The petitioners then go on to fay 
that the hand of God feems now to .be againft the Colony — 
' blafting all our defigns," " taking many away to himfelfe," 
fending unwonted malignant fickneffes, fliameful difeafes, 
&c., fo that they apprehended final ruin. 



They then give what they regarded as the caufes of the 
prefent calamities : firll;, that the government was arbitrary, 
and not according to the laws of England: fecond, that 
many thoufands, " freeborne, quiet and peaceable men, 
righteous in their dealings," were debarred from civil em- 
ployment, and from any voice in the government: and 
thirdly, that " diverfe fober, righteous and godly men, .... 
members of the Church of England,^" .... not diffenting 

from 



^° Maverick, and probably Childe, 
were Epifcopalians ; and Drake, in his 
Hlftory of Bofton, p. 292, confiders this 
movement to have been diftinftively an 
Epifcopal one, mentioning Vaffal, Mav- 
erick and Childe as the " leaders of the 
Churchmen." Johnfon, (Wonder-work- 
ing Providence, p. 202,) fays of the 
figners, that " they were of a Linfiwolfie 
difpofition, fome for Prelacy, fome for 
Presbytery, and fome for Plebsbytery, 
but all joyned together in the thing 
they would, &c." The opponents of 
King Charles, in order to Hrengthen 



their caufe, had fought aid from Scot- 
land, but " the Presbyterians would 
confent to no terms, without the altera- 
tion of the Church government, and 
the neceffities of the Parliament induced 
them to confent to this unreafonable 
propofal." (Short, Hiftory of the Church 
of England, §578.) The Houfe of 
Commons adopted Presbyterianifm as 
the national form of religion, March 
14, and the Houfe of Lords, June 6, 
1646. The tendency of feeling muft 
have been known to thefe petitioners, 
as vv'ell as the people of New England 

eenerallv 



Introdtcdion, 



XXIU 



from the latefl and beft reformation of England, Scotland, 
&c.," were deprived of religious privileges, and were like 

The 



generally, and as they propofed to ap- 
peal to Parliament, we incline to con- 
fider the Presbyterian influence that on 
which they relied. Johnfon's comment, 
(Wonder-working Providence, p. 202,) 
ftrengthens this belief; "the matter 
they petitioned for, was a bottom to 
build their quarrel upon, under the 
name of a Presbyterian Government, 
and this they fuppofed would fuit well 
with their Bill of complaint, which they 
intended for England, not that they 
cared for a Presbyterian Church, for 
had they fo done, they might have 
found out one in the country before 
they petitioned, but becaufe they fup- 
pofed that the Parliament in England 
would eflablifh that way only, and 
therefore bore themfelves bold upon 
it, that although their feditious and 
fcandalous words and praclifes fhould 
incur a penalty, (as none could deem 
any other, unlefs it be fuch as are all 
for liberty, and nothing for Govern- 
ment,) yet they might bear men in hand, 
it was for petitioning for a Presbyterian 
Church-Government, according to this 
tenor." Hobart, the Hingham preacher, 
a man of a " Presbyterial fpirit," if not 
dire(5lly concerned in drafting this peti- 
tion, with Vaflal, was fo ftrongly fuf- 
pefted of having a hand in the other 
petition which Vaflal carried with him 
to England, that he was virtually ex- 
cluded from the Court which confidered 
Childe's petition, and the relation the 



Colonies flood in to England, which 
was involved in the threatened appeal. 
Felt, Ecclefiaflical Hiftory, i. 498-9, 
gives extrafts from a communication 
addrefled to the Rev. John Wilfon, June 
7, 1643, in which Vaflal and others, who 
had a fliort time before declared them- 
felves to be the Firft Church in Scituate, 
fay : — " Thofe that know us beft, fear 
not our inclining to Bifliops ; " and in 
April, 1644, he wrote to Cotton, that 
the brethren with him intended to call 
Mr. Witherell, a member of Duxbury 
church, as their paftor. Vaflal has been 
called an Epifcopalian, perhaps from 
the fatl; that Winthrop fays he was 
" always oppofed to the way of our 
churches ; " but the paflages quoted by 
Felt, his memberfliip in the Scituate 
church, and his intimacy with Hobart, 
would feem to fhow his preferences 
were rather for Presbyterianifm, if not 
for Independency. Winflow fays he 
heard the petitioners demand the Pres- 
byterian government in Court. (2d 
Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. iii. 112 ; fee alfo 
pp. 141-2.) Palfrey thinks " the rela- 
tion of the fubje6l to Presbyterian poli- 
tics, leaks out, even in " the Declara- 
tion of the General Court in reply to 
their petition, " when there were mo- 
tives for forbearing to call attention to 
it," (ii. 174, note,) and calls the parties 
" Presbyterian malecontents." From 
all thefe circumftances, we think it can 
not be called an Epifcopal movement. 



XXIV 



hitroditction. 



flieep fcattered in the wildernefs, in a forlorn condition. 
They defired, therefore, fettled laws in accordance with thofe 
of England, civil liberty and freedom for all who are truly 
Englifli, and religious liberty, that they might join the 
churches here without neceffarily entering into their cove- 
nants, (which they fpeak of in a difparaging manner,) and be 
allowed to enjoy Chriflian ordinances, — or elfe permitted 
" to fettle themfelves here in a Church-way, according to the 
beft reformations of England and Scotland." If thefe privi- 
leges were refufed, they threatened an appeal to Parliament. 



The paper bore the fignatures of Robert Childe, Thomas 
Fowle, Samuel Maverick, Thomas Burton, John Smith, 
David Yale, and John Dand,-*' and profeffed to be in the 

name 



*' Robert Childe, the firft of the peti- 
tioners, had vifited New England before 
thefe troubles, and returned. Previous 
to that time he had travelled on the 
continent, efpecially in Italy, and as 
Winflow fays, " confelTeth hee was twice 
at Rome, fpeaketh fometimes highly as 
I have heard reported in favour of the 
Jefuites,"— which, with other circum- 
ftances, led to fome fufpicions that he 
was a ' Jefuit fpy,' — " and however he 
took the degree of Do6lor of Phyfick 
at Padua, yet doth not at all praftife." 
On his former vifit he brought commen- 
datory letters, and " found good accept- 
ance thereof with the beft." While 



here he thoroughly acquainted himfelf 
with the country and its refources. On 
his fecond vifit heprefentedfome books 
to Harvard College, and brought more 
letters of introdu6lion, which fecured 
him a favorable reception. He had 
taken fome flock in an enterprife " for 
the advancement of iron works in the 
country," (See 2d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 
iv. 198,) but had little if anything to do 
with the management of them. It ap- 
pears that in 1644 he petitioned with 
Nathaniel Norcrofs and others, for a 
plantation at " Nafliawake," and the 
requeft was granted. The favorable 
impreffions he had made were difpelled 

by 



Introdicction, 



XXV 



name of many others. It was prefented at the General 
Court, May 19, 1646, but as the feffion was near its clofe, its 
confideration was deferred till their next meeting. Before 



by his conneflion with Vaflal's party, 
and he was ready, fays Winflow, not 
only " to clofe with fuch as are difcon- 
tented, but to bee a leader of fuch 
againft the government, affront the au- 
thoritie God hath hitherto honored with 
his bleffing, appeale from their juftice, 
and thereby feeke to evade any cenfure." 
(2d Mafs. Hifl. Soc. Coll. ii. 118.) 

Thomas Fowle, before this petition 
was prefented, had united with Robert 
Sedgwick and others, in afking for the 
abrogation of the laws againft the ana- 
baptifts, and another law which required 
fpecial allowance for new comers refid- 
ing here, but the requeft was refufed. 
(Mafs. Col. Rec. iii. 50.) He was ad- 
mitted an inhabitant, September 30, 
1639. January 27, the following year, 
he received a grant of fix hundred 
acres of land, and in 1645 he was one 
of the feledlmen of Bofton. He was 
engaged in mercantile purfuits. We 
find the location of a houfe and garden 
of a Thomas Fowle, whom we fuppofe 
to be the fame individual, in the Book 
of Poffeffions of the Inhabitants of 
Bofton, (See Drake's Hift. Bofton, p. 
786.) In the Declaration of the Gene- 
ral Court in reply to their petition, 
(printed in Hutchinfon Papers, pp. 223 
et feq. Prince Society's edition,) he is 
faid, p. 239, to have been " a church- 
member, but will be no freeman ; he 
likes better to be excufed of that trouble 



any 

and charge." He feems to have been 
drawn into this affair, juft as he was 
about leaving the country, and as has 
been remarked, apparently regretted his 
connexion with it, afterwards. 

Samuel Maverick was a merchant, 
and probably in the country previous 
to 1629. He refided on Noddle's Ifland, 
which was granted to him, April i, 
1633, (Mafs. Col. Records, i. 96.) In 
1635-6 he fpent nearly a year in Vir- 
ginia, returning to Bofton, Auguft 3, 
1636. Joflelyn, who vifited him in July, 
1638, fays (Account of Two Voyages, 
p. 12,) he was " the only hofpitable man 
in all the Countrey, giving entertain- 
ment to all Comers gratis." He re- 
ceived a grant of fix hundred acres 
from Bofton, on the fame day with 
Fowle. He had built a fmall fort on 
Noddle's Iftand, "with the helpeof one 
Mr. David Tomp/on, placing therein 
foure Murtherers, to protefl him from 
the India7ts^" (Johnfon, Wonder-work- 
ing Providence, p. yj,) and he alfo con- 
tributed to the ereftion of a fort on 
Caftle Ifland. Johnfon calls him "a man 
of a very loving and curteous behaviour, 
very ready to entertaine ftrangers, yet 
an enemy to the Reformation in hand, 
being ftrong for the Lordly Prelaticall 
power." He was " a freeman, but no 
member of any church, and the reafon 
hath beene, his profeffed affedlion to 
the hierarchic." (Hutch. Papers, i. 239.) 

The 



XXVI 



Introdttdion. 



any a6lion could be taken upon it, copies were extenfively 
difperfed, not only in the neighboring Colonies of Plymouth 
and Connedticut, but alfo to the New Netherlands, Virginia, 

and 



The date of his death is given by Sav- 
age, as March lo, 1664. 

Of Thomas Burton, we have been 
able to find but little mention. He 
appears to have married Margaret, 
daughter of John Otis, of Hingham, 
(N. E. Hift. Gen. Reg. ii. 283-4,) and 
he may have been one of the inhabit- 
ants of Hingham, who were concerned 
in the Petition from that town. The 
Declaration above quoted, fays he was 
a " clarke of the prothonotaries office, a 
fojourner alfo, and of no vifible eftate 
in the country." 

John Smith, fays Winflow, " formerly 
lived about two or three yeeres in 
Bofton, but before this remonfirance, 
himfelfe and wife were removed to Road 
Hand, but never had any perfonall in- 
heritance in the countrey, and was now 
at the Mafiachufets but as a ftranger." 
Savage thinks he was probably the 
perfon who was chief magiftrate of the 
Colony of Rhode Ifland under its firft 
charter in 1649. 

David Yale " came to New England 
in 1637, fettled in New Haven ; in 1645 
he fettled in Bofton, as a merchant. 
He bought a houfe and garden of Ed- 
ward Bendall, 23 Auguft, 1645. Owing 
probably to the rigorous government 
here, he returned to England, and did 
not refide permanently again in this 
country. On leaving Bofton, he gave 
Capt. Thomas Clark and Captain Tho- 



mas Lake a power of attorney, dated 

8 Oftober, 1651 His eftate in 

Bofton was on what is now Pemberton 
Square." (Drake, Hiftory of Bofton, 
294; Winthrop, ii. 320.) The Declara- 
tion calls Yale "a young merchant, little 
acquainted with Commonwealth affairs." 
Palfrey remarks, (ii. 169, note,) that he 
" was of fome perfonal confideration. 
His fifter was the wife of Gov. Hopkins, 
of Connecticut." 

Of John Dand we can learn but little. 
Savage prefumes him to have been " a 
gentleman of fome education, both from 
his alTociation with thefe petitioners 
and from the fearching of his Jltidy, in 
the violent proceedings againft him. 
Farmer fays he was, eight years after, 
at Dover." (Winthrop, ii. 321.) We 
learn from th'e Declaration, that he was 
" an ould grocer of London, whofe for- 
getfulnes of the lawes and cuftomes of 
that citty, and unmindfulnes of his dutie 
to the government under which he now 
lives and profpers, we may impute to 
his age and fome other infirmities." 

In this connection we notice a fingu- 
lar error of Neale, in his Hiftory of 
New England. He has confounded the 
petition of the town of Hingham with 
that of Childe ; in fpeaking of the for- 
mer's requeft for a hearing, he gives, 
(pp. 223-5,) ^" abftraft of Childe's peti- 
tion, as that of Hingham, and appends 
the fignatures of Childe and the reft. 



Iiitroditction. xxvli 

and the Bermudas, wherever perfons who were " ill-afife6led '» 
to the government of Maffachufetts could be found/^ 



The courfe of the petitioners excited great feeling, and 
not a little anxiety among the Colonial leaders. Should the 
appeal be carried to Parliament, they had reafon to fear that 
that body might liften to thefe charges, inafmuch as it had 
already fhown a difpofition to favor Prefbyterianifm, and 
fliortly after, made it the eflabliflied order. This might lead 
to placing the control of the civil authorities of the Colonies 
in the hands of the Prefbyterians, and the injury, if not the 
deftrudlion of the Independent or Congregational mode of 
Church government, which they confidered more Scriptural, 
as well as more confonant to the inftitutions under which 
they had been accuftomed to a6l, and to which they were 
ftrongly attached. They regarded the petition as feditious 
and infulting. It revealed to them, however, that there were 
weak points in their ecclefiaflical fyflem, and after fome 
confultation, in which no reference appears to have been 
made to the petition, they decide to call a Synod, to eflablifli 
and fettle " a right form of government and difcipline, by 

the 

*' Even after the departure of Vaflal it, and are apt to wonder why fuch men 

and his companions, Samuel Symonds, fhould be troubled that fpeake as they 

of Ipfwich, wrote to Winthrop, " I am doe ; not being able fuddenly to dif- 

informed that coppies of the petition cerne the poyfon in the fweet wine, nor 

are fpreading here, and divers, (fpecially the fire wrapped up in the draw." Felt, 

young men and women,) are taken with Eccl. Hift. i. 593. 



xxvlil Introdtiction\ 

the joint and public agreement and confent of churches, 
and by the fandlion of civil authority." 

All but four of the Maffachufetts churches refponded to 
the call. One of thefe was the Hingham church ; the 
reprefentative of another, that of Concord, was unable to 
come. Bofton and Salem churches were difpleafed with the 
order of the Court, confidering it an improper affumption of 
power, but the church of Bofton were at length induced to 
fend a meffenger, and that of Salem fubfequently came to 
the fame decifion, but not till after the feffion had com- 
menced. The Synod had hardly ended the difcuffions 
which arofe from the obje6lions made by thefe churches to 
participate in their deliberations, when they found it necef- 
fary to adjourn, and, fliortly after, the General Court again 
affembled. 

Though the petition of Childe and his companions did 
not at once receive formal notice from the General Court, 
yet neither fide was inadlive in the mean time. Copies 
of the petition had been extenfively circulated, as we have 
feen, and " it had given great offence to many godly in the 
country, both elders and others."'*^ Some of the minifters 
condemned it in their fermons as " full of malignancie ;" 
others compared the authors to fons of Belial, and indulged 

"in 

"^Winthrop, ii. 346. 



Introductio7t, xxix 

" in large and defamatory declamations" againft them. The 
magiflrates took a fimilar view; and we are told by the 
writer of ' New England's Jonas,' that one of them charged 
a jury to notice it, as it tended to fubvert " the very founda- 
tions both of church and commonwealth." 

The excitement was great, and " fome anfwers had been 
made to it, and prefented to the Court." ^^ A committee, 
confiding of the Governor, Winthrop, Deputy Governor 
Dudley, Richard Bellingham, and the Auditor General, 
(Lieut. Nathaniel Duncan,) was appointed " to perufe and 
examine all the anfwers that are brought into the Court, to 
the petition of Dr. Childe and Mr. Fowle, &c. and out of 
all to draw up fuch an anfwer thereto as they thinke mofl 
meete, and prefent the fame to this Court, &c."'*5 This duty 
was fpeedily performed, and early in November a Declara- 
tion in reply was prepared and adopted. 

This Declaration was drawn with ability, and at confider- 
able length.''^ It was evidently the work of feveral hands. 
It denies the jurtice of the charges againft the Government, 
and attempts, in the outfet, to fhow that the petitioners 
contradi6l themfelves ; it condemns their a6lion as " deeply 
blamable," and vindicates the policy of the colonial leaders; it 
inftitutes a comparifon between the laws and " Fundamen- 

talls " 

*^ Winthrop, ii. 346. ■** It occupies twenty-four pages in the 

** Mafs. Col. Rec. ii. 162. Hutch. Papers, i. 223-47, Prince Soc. Ed. 

£ 



XXX Introdttction, 

tails " of the Maffachufetts on the one hand, and Magna 
Charta, and the common law of England on the other, 
Ihowing that the laws of the Colony were not repugnant to 
thofe of the Mother country, "for then they muft be contrary 
to the law of God, and of right reafon; " and " if anything 
hath been otherwife eftabliflied, it was an error, and not a 
law, being againfl the intent of the law-makers, however it 
may bear the form of a law, until it be revoked."'*^ It clofes 
with an endeavor to fliow the fallacy of the petitioners' 
reafoning in ecclefiaftical matters, and that they had no 
perfonal ground of complaint. 

As Childe and his advifers threatened an appeal to Par- 
liament, the relation in which the Colony flood to England 
came up for confideration, and the elders were requefted to 
advife the magiftrates on that point, and alfo whether the 
government was founded upon the Charter, or not ; if it 
was, then what fubje6lion was due to England. " The 
magiftrates delivered their minds firft, that the elders might 
have the better light for their advice." "-^ They decided that 
the Colony was dependent on England for prote6tion and 
the immunities of Engliflimen, and owed allegiance and 
fidelity to that realm, having received the power of gov- 
ernment thence by charter ; but that by the patent full 
and ample power was granted to make laws and adminifter 

juflice, 

" Winthrop, ii. 352. . '•'* Ibid, ii. 341. 



Introduction. xxxi 

juftice, and no appeals or other modes of interruption could 
lie ; neither was it in accordance with their privilege or 
dignity to plead their right and power, " further than in a 
way of j unification." " If the Parliament fliould be lefs 
inclinable to us, we muft wait upon Providence for the 
prefervation of our juft liberties." '^^ 

The Supply was preparing to fail for England, and the 
Court, finding that Fowle was intending to go in it, called 
him before them, with Smith, who was then in town, and 
required them to find fureties for their appearance when the 
Court fliould be ready to confider their application. This 
they were not prepared to do, defiring " they might anfwer 
prefently," as they were ready to depart. They alfo obje(5led 
to the proceedings on the ground that the other petitioners 
had not been called with them. Accordingly, the reft were 
fummoned, and all appeared, with the exception of Maverick. 

Dr. Childe, who was " the chief fpeaker, demanded what 
fhould be laid to their charge, feeing it was no offence to 
prefer a petition." ^^ The Court replied that they did not 
queftion them for that, " but for fuch mifcarriages as appeared 
in their petition." Childe then defired to know what charge 
was made againft them, and was anfwered that it was not 
then ready, and the petitioners would not have been called 

upon, 

« Winthrop, ii. 345. . '" Ibid, ii. 347. 



xxxii Introdtidion, 

upon, had it not been that fome of them were upon the 
point of departure, and therefore the Court required fureties 
for their appearance. " The Do6lor, etc., ftill demanded 
what offence they had committed for which they fliould find 
fureties. Upon this preffmg, one claufe in their petition 
was read to them, which was this, our brethren of England's 
jufl; indignation againft us, fo as they fly from us as from a 
peft, etc., whereby they lay a great fcandal upon the country, 
etc. This was fo clear as they could not evade it, but 
quarrelled with the Court, with high terms. The Do6lor 
faid they did beneath themfelves in petitioning to us, etc. 
and in conclufion appealed to the Commiffioners in Eng- 
land."^' 

The Governor would not allow their appeal, and " The 
Court let them know that they did take notice of their 
contemptuous fpeeches and behaviour, as fliould further 
appear in due time. In conclufion, Mr. Fowle and Mr. 
Smith were committed to the marflial for want of fureties, 
and the reft were enjoined to attend the Court when they 
fliould be cafled. So they were difmiffed, and Mr. Fowle, 
etc. found fureties before night, and were fet at liberty." ^^ 
Winflow fays that " they withftood for an houre or there- 
abouts " the order of the Court, "and were that time under 

the 

*' Winthrop, ii. 347. The account is bafed on Winthrop, whofe language 
which Hubbard gives, p. 514-5, not only he has ufed with fcarcely any alteration. 
of this fcene, but of the whole affair, »« Ibid, 



Introdtictio7i. xxxiil 

the marfliall's cuflody, but no fooner advifed they with our 
Salamander their Counfell, but hee advifed them to give 
fecurity, which they accordingly did, and fo were difmiffed ; 
now this I fuppofe was becaufe hee was to goe to Tea with 
them immediately, which they accordingly did." " 

A committee was then appointed to examine the petition, 
and draft charges againft Childe and the other figners. 
They reported a lift of twelve charges, declaring the petition 
contained " divers falfe and fcandalous paffages ; " that it 
defamed the rulers and the wifdom of the Court: that 
it opened the afflicftions God had been pleafed to exercife 
them with, and imputed them to the evil of the government: 
that it charged them with injury to a great part of the people, 
perfuading them that their liberties and privileges belong to 
all, whereas they belonged only to thofe the Governor and 
Company thought fit to receive into that fellowfliip : that it 
infinuated an intention, on the part of thofe in authority, to 
exercife an unwarranted dominion, telling the people of an 
intolerable bondage that would enfue : that it attempted to 
weaken the authority of the laws, by perfuading the people 
that they could expe(5l no fure enjoyment of life and liberty 
under them : that it falfely charged the Colony with 
denying non-freemen the liberty of votes in certain matters, 
when in fa(5l they were allowed that privilege : that it tended 

to 

M 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 124. 



xxxiv Introdtidion, 

to feditlon by Infmuating that many thoufands were fecretly 
difcontented : that it ilandered the difclpline of the churches 
and civil government, by affirming that the frame and dif- 
penfation thereof were fuch, that godly, fober and peaceable 
men could not live here like Chriftians : that it charged the 
rulers with tyranny, in preffmg men, and laying illegal 
rates : that it affirmed Chriftian vigilance was not exercifed 
towards thofe not in church-fellowfliip, when they knew the 
contrary was true : that " having throwne all this fliame and 
dirte upon our churches and government, they endevor to 
fett it on, that it might fllcke fail, fo as all men maight 
undoubtedly be perfwaded of the reallity thereof, by pro- 
claiming it in their conclufion that our owne brethren in 
England have full indignation againfl us for the fame : and 
that refufmg to anfwer and appealing from this government, 
they difclaimed its jurifdi6lion before they knew whether 
the Court would give any fentence againft them or not." ^^ 

The petitioners were then fummoned before the Court, 
and heard their petition read, which the record flates the 
Court confidered " derrogating from the honnor and author- 
ity of the fame, and tending to fedition." " The charges 
were made " in the open Court, before a great affembly," and 
time was given them to prepare their reply. " Giving the 

Court 

" Mafs. Col. Records, iii. 90, 91. " Mafs. Col. Records, iii. 90. 
Winthrop, ii. 348-35°- 



Introdttctio7t, xxxv 

Court notice that their anfwer was ready, they affembled 
again, and before all the people caufed their anfwer to be 
read, which was large, and to little purpofe, and the Court 
replied to the particulars, extempore^ as they were read." ^^ 

The anfwer of the petitioners ftates the grounds on which 
their complaints were bafed, juftifies their affertions, and 
denies both the imputed fedition and the juftice of the 
charges ; while the reply of the Court declares their com- 
plaints are not warranted by the fa(fts, that their reafoning 
is fallacious and contradictory, and that their petition was 
fcornful, and flighting to the authority of the government. 
As might be imagined, neither party was convinced by the 
arguments that they were in the wrong, and the " petitioners 
perfifling thus obflinately and proudly in their evil pra6lice," 
the Court proceeded to enforce their views by fining Dr. 
Childe, for the reafon that he had " no caufe to complain, 
and yet was a leader to the reft, and had carried himfelf 
proudly in the Court," fifty pounds. " Mr. Smith (being alfo 
a flranger) forty pounds, Mr. Maverick (becaufe he had not 
as yet appealed) ten pounds, and the other four, thirty pounds 
each." 57 

When 

**Winthrop, ii. 350, where the fub; " Ibid, p. 355, where Savage remarks 
fiance both of the anfwer and the reply on this judgment: " Surprife almoft 
is given at confiderable length, occupy- equals our indignation at this exorbi- 
ing upwards of five pages. tant impofition, for in this very year 

Fowie 



XXXVl 



hitroduction. 



When they were called before the Court to hear their 
fentence, " they were exhorted to confider better of their 
proceedings, and take knowledge of their mifcarriage which 

was great They were offered alfo, if they would 

ingenuoufly acknowledge their mifcarriage, it fliould be 
freely remitted." This they refufed to do, and they were 
accordingly fined. " Upon which they all appealed to the 
Parliament, and tendered their appeal in writing. The Court 
received the paper, but refufed to accept it, or to read it in 
the Court." ^^ All however did not fuftain thefe proceedings ; 
Bellingham, Saltonflall, and Bradftreet "diffented, anddefired 
to be entered cojitradicentes, . . . Two or three ^^ of the 
deputies did the like." 



Maverick does not appear in the matter after this, and 
either becaufe of his fervices to the Colony, or his quiet 

fubmiffion 



Fowle was aflbciated with Winthrop as 
one of the feleftmen of Bofton, and 
Maverick was fo much interefted in the 
great work of fortifying Caftle Ifland, 
that he advanced a large part of the 
outlay, and the metropoHs engaged to 
fave him harmlefs to a certain extent." 
We find the following comments in 
Chalmers, Pol. Annals, pp. 179, 180. 
" A petition which would now appear 
fo humble and fo reafonable, we ought 
naturally to infer, met with the moft 
gracious attention. But no conclufion, 
however, would be more erroneous." 
. . . . " The circumflances of that 



fignal tranfaflion exhibit the truefl 
pi(5lure of the ancient government of 
MafTachufetts, and difplay thofe princi- 
ples of aggrandifement which it feenis 
to have had conftantly in view, as the 
only rules of its condu6l." . . . . " The 
Parliament, probably influenced by the 
intrigues of the agents, or too much 
engaged in their own important affairs, 
took no cognizance of this extraordinary 
tranfadlion. And the petitioners never 
received any redrefs." 

*nVinthrop, ii. 356. 

*3 Palfrey fays, " Foiir Deputies op- 
pofed the fentence." ii. 175. 



Introduction, xxxvii 

fubmiffion to a fuperior power, received a lighter punifliment 
than otherwife he might have anticipated. The Court did 
not confider him " blame worthy in the matter of appeale,'"^ 
and his fine was the lightefl of thofe firfl levied. Not long 
after, however, he incurred the difpleafure of the Court, and 
was charged with aiding to procure fignatures to a petition 
to the Commiffioners, with " Mr. Clerk of Salem, the keeper 
of the ordinary there, and a church member,"^' and was with 
him " bound over to anfwer it at the next general court ; " 
and his name was found attached to the Remonllrance 
addreffed to Parliament. In May, 1647, he was further 
fined, for " being party to the confpiracy," and for "breaking 
his oath and appealing," ^^ one hundred and fifty pounds, 
and to be imprifoned till paid " or fecurity given for it." 
Two years after, in May, 1649, a review of his cafe was 
granted ; the i6th of that month, his petition for the remif- 
fion of the fine received the favorable confideration of the 
Deputies, who voted to remit one hundred pounds, but the 
Magiflrates refufed to concur.^^ In June, 1650, however, 
by confent of the Court, one half of his fine was remitted.'^'* 

Vaffal was in Bofton, when the petitioners were arraigned, 
and was confulted by them, but as his name was not attached 
to the document, the government were unable to include 

him 

®" Mafs. Col. Rec. iii. 94. *Mbid, 167. His petition may be 

^' Winthrop, ii. 367. found on p. 166. 

"* Mafs. Col. Rec. iii. 1 13. «^ Ibid, 200. 

F 



XXX vi i i Introduction. 

him in the punifliment which was inflicted on the reft, and 
he efcaped their diredl cenfure, and failed for England. 
Yale, though he probably continued to refide in Bofton 
until near the clofe of 1651, when he is fuppofed to have 
returned to England, did not unite openly in the fubfequent 
proceedings of Childe, and was not again molefted. 

Dr. Childe, with Smith and Dand, was indifpofed to fubmit 
quietly to the fentence of the General Court. Immediately 
after prefenting their petition, copies of it were extenfively 
circulated in the neighboring Colonies, and Virginia and 
the Bermuda Iflands were not too diftant to feel an intereft 
in their labors.^^ With thefe copies another petition was 
circulated, addreffed to Parliament, purporting "to be in the 
name and on the fighs and tears of many thoufands " of non- 
freemen. After declaring that they were driven from their 
native country by the tyranny of the bifliops, it went on to 
pray for liberty of confcience, a general governor, &c. " The 
thing they would have," fays Winflow,^^ "is that any Englifli- 
man may, nolens volens, take his habitation in any govern- 
ment, bee as free as the beft, &c. thus breaking all order, 
charters, and peace of focieties : for if he be Englifli borne, 
(by their principles,) no governmente may refufe him, be he 
never fo peflilent, whether Jefuite or worfe." Agents were 
employed to procure fignatures, but, fays Winthrop,^^ of the 

many 

«* Winflow, 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. *« Ibid, p. 122. 
ii. 116. *' Wintbrop, ii. 358. 



httroduction, xxxix 

many thoufands in whofe name it was pretended to be made, 
only twenty.five were found to fign it, " and thofe were, (for 
the moil part) either young men who came over fervants, 
and never had any fhow of religion in them, or fifliermen of 
Marblehead, profane perfons, divers of them brought the 
laft year from Newfoundland to fifli a feafon, and fo to return 
again ; others were fuch as were drawn in by their relations, 
men of no reafon neither, as a barber of Bofton, who being 
demanded by the governour, what moved him to fet his 
hand, made anfwer that the gentlemen were his cuflomers, 
etc. and thefe are the men, who muft be held forth to the 
parliament as driven out of England by the Bifliops, etc. 
and whofe fighs and tears mufl move compaffion." 

While documents like thefe were circulating through the 
Colonies, Dr. Childe was haftily preparing to return to Eng- 
land, with Vaffal and Fowle ; and expelling foon to fail, 
" many high and menacing words were given forth " againft 
the authorities. The Governor and thofe who fympathifed 
with him, now confidered what courfe to take againft Childe 
and his companions, and concealing their plans from thofe 
of the magiftrates who had differed with them in the previous 
votes, they agreed to detain him, nominally to fecure the 
payment of the fine, until the veffel had departed. At firft 
they intended to defer the arreft of Dr. Childe until after he 
had embarked, but the previous evening their plan was 

difcovered 



xl Introduction, 

difcovered, and it became neceffary to put it in execution at 



once. 



Officers were accordingly fent to arreft Childe and Dand 
at the fame moment, and to fearch them. Childe's trunk, 
which he had ready to take on board with him, was exam- 
ined, but nothing objedionable was found. At Dand s they 
were more fuccefsful. Here they found " Mr. Smith, who 
catched up fome papers, and when the officer took them from 
him, he brake out into thefe fpeeches, viz. we hope fliortly 
we fhall have commiffion to fearch the governour's clofet."^ 

The papers feized were the petition from non-freemen, 
already defcribed ; another, figned by Childe and his affo- 
ciates, addreffed to the Commiffioners for Plantations, def- 
cribing in ftrong terms the treatment they had received, 
mentioning that a day of humiliation had been appointed, 
" wherein they were to pray againft them,"^' ^nd then afking 

fubflantially 

«* Winthrop, ii. p. 357. within fight of their deflination, a ftorm 

•' Though a general Fafi: had been ap- arofe which carried away their raft, and 

pointed by the Court, yet the paftor of endangered their lives. Some of their 

the Hingham church, (Hobart,) and mafts and planks were recovered, but 

others there "made light of it, and on arriving at Caftle Ifland they were 

fome faid they would not fafl againft forced back again, and were fo detained 

Dr. Childe and themfelves." Two men by contrary winds, that it was a month 

from Hingham, named Pitt and John- before they could bring all the remain- 

fon, ftarted for Bofton the day previous, der to Bofton. This was confidered as 

knowing they could not arrive there a fpecial providence, and an evidence 

before the Faft, but when they were of the Divine difpleafure at their courfe. 

It 



Introduction, xli 

fubflantially the fame things as the Petition already prefented 
to the General Court, with fome additional requefls. Befide 
thefe documents was a paper of twenty-three queries, in 
reference to the validity of the patent, and how it might be 
forfeited, and whether certain a(5ls and fpeeches from promi- 
nent men were not high treafon, with others of a kindred 
nature. Thefe papers were in the handwriting of Dr. 
Childe. 

Having thus fecured evidence upon which to bafe their 
a(5lion, the Governor and Council ordered the prifoners to 
be brought before them. Winthrop remarks that when 
Childe was arrefted, he " fell into a great paffion, and gave 
big words, but being told that they confidered he was a 
perfon of quality, and therefore he fliould be ufed with fuch 
refpecfl as was meet to be fliowed to a gentleman and a 
fcholar, but if he would behave himfelf no better, he fhould 
be committed to the common prifon^° and clapped in irons. 

Upon 

It is interefling to notice, however, that and minifter matter of infulting to the 

not long before, when the elders were adverfe party," is evidenced by the vote, 

returning from Hingham, after vainly May 26, 1647, when the keeper and 

attemptingtofettle the differences there, conftables were authorized to " huire 

they encountered a tempeftin the night, two able men fuch as may be trufted," 

which kept them twenty-four hours in or to imprefs them, if they could not be 

their boat, and put their lives in danger, hired, that the prifoners might be 

but no fuch evidence was then difcov- guarded day and night, and when they 

ered. See Winthrop, ii. 373, and 288. went to "the publike meetings." Thefe 

'" The condition of the prifon, and affiftants were to be paid three fliillings 

the apprehenfions of the Government a day, out of the fines of the prifoners. 

left the prifoners fhould efcape, and thus See Mafs. Col. Records, ii. 196. 
*' reflect much diflionor upon the Courte, 



xlii 



Introduction, 



Upon this he grew more calm ; fo he was committed to the 
marfhal, with Smith and Dand, for two or three days, till 
the fliips were gone." ^' He was greatly troubled at the delay, 
and offered to pay his fine, but this was not accepted by the 
government. " His confinement he took grievoufly," fays 
Winthrop, " but he could not help iC After the departure 
of the Supply, however, he was admitted to bail, in the fum 
of ;^8oo, though confined to his houfe, or as New England's 
Jonas fays, to the house of Mr. Leder.^^ 



Smith and Dand^^ were committed to prifon, but lodged 
in the keeper's houfe, having " what diet they pleafed," and 

their 



" Winthrop, ii. 358. 

'* We fuppofe this Mr. Leder to have 
been the agent of the " iron works," in 
which Childe was interefted. 

" When Band's rtudy was fearched, a 
young man named Thomas Joy, a car- 
penter, was found " to be very bufy." 
He had been employed to get fignatures 
to the petition among non-freemen, and 
he inquired if the warrant was in the 
King's name. For this impertinent 
queflion, the marflial arrefled him, and 
he was kept in irons four or five days. 
This unexpected treatment humbled 
him to fuch a degree, that he " blamed 
himfelf for meddling in matters belong- 
ing not to him," confefled what he knew, 
and " bleffed God for thefe irons upon 
his legs, hoping they fhould do him 
good while he lived." Upon this repen- 
tance he was " let out upon reafonable 
bail." (Winthrop, ii. 359.) In the Inter- 
charter papers in the MafTachufetts Ar- 



chives, quoted by Mr. W. H. Whitmore 
in the Firft Volume of the Andros 
Trads, (Prince Society's Publications, 
p. 1 ,6 ) is a long lift of charges againft 
Sir Edmond Andros and his "arbitrary 
government," forty years later than 
thefe proceedings of the MafTachufetts 
Colony. Among thefe charges, one of 
the graveft in the eyes of his accufers, 
was that certain warrants, iflued by his 
direction, did not tun in the King's 
name, — efpecially one for railing taxes 
in Ipfwich ; and on this ground the 
people there defended themfelves for 
refufing to pay them. The paper bears 
this endorfement : — '■'■Nota. There was 
formerly orders from England that all 
warrants fhould runn in his Majefties 
name, «&; oh the very great damage the 
omiffion of this hath done." 

The lapfe of forty years had evidently 
affeded the views of the Colonifts on 
the fubjedl of Royal warrants. 



Introduction. xHii 

their friends were allowed to vifit them. They refufed to 
be examined, and therefore were not bailed, and the govern- 
ment juftified its courfe toward them on the ground that 
their offence was " in nature capital." 

May 26, 1647, the fentence of the Court was pronounced, 
and Childe and Dand were each fined two hundred pounds, 
Smith and Burton, one hundred pounds each, and Maverick, 
as has been mentioned above, one hundred and fifty pounds. 
Not long after, Smith and Dand gave fecurity to pay their 
fines, and " were bailed to the general court." ^'^ Dr. Childe 
was offered his liberty on the fame terms, but declined, and 
" chofe rather to go to prifon, and fo he was committed," and 
the Court ordered that " if all the prifoners of Dr. Childe's 
confpiracy flialbe once difcharged out of prifon except one 
or two, the keeper fliall keepe fuch one or two of them in 
irons, except they will be at charge of fuch guarde as the 
magiftrates of Bofton fhall appoint over them."" 

In the following Ocftober, it would feem by the Colonial 
Records, (ii, 199,) Dr. Childe had obtained his freedom, and 
had returned to Europe, leaving the fine of fifty pounds, 
adjudged againft him in the previous November, fiill unpaid. 
He owned flock in the iron works to the value of ^450, 
and the auditor general was authorized to fell enough of it 
to meet that fum. 06lober 19, 1650, " Mr. John Winthrop " 

was 

^* Winthrop, ii. 367. " Mafs. Col. Rec. ii. 196. 



xHv Introduction, 

was confidered liable for " a part of Dodor Childs fine," 
amounting to ^40/^ and Odober 14, 1 65 1 , being ftill a debtor 
for that amount, it was " given him, in confideration of 
fervice done for this country in England."^' 

John Dand petitioned to have his fine remitted, and, 
November 11, 1647, the Court voted "that if he fliall tender 
fuch acknowledgement before or at the Quarter Court as 
the faid Court, with a committee of the deputies .... or the 
greater part of them fliall approve, and give fufficient fecurity 
to the auditor generall for /50 to be paid into the Treafurer 
within fix months now next coming, he fhall then be dif- 
charged."^^ May 10, 1648, he was, by vote of the Court, 
freed from his imprifonment, and his fine " readily remitted 
him," he having made fatisfadory acknowledgment of his 
errors.^^ 

Burton was not only fined, but while on his way to confult 
with Dr. Childe, fell, and was obliged to lie in the cold a 
half hour, till he could be carried home, where "he continued 
in great pain, and lame divers months." This was regarded 
as a fpecial providence by Winthrop, who fays Burton him- 
felf had gathered fome providences about thofe who were 
againft the petitioners, and was troubled " leaft this provi- 
dence 

7«Mafs. Col. Rec. iii. 219. "^^ Mafs. Col. Rec. ii. 204. 

"Ibid, p. 256. ^'Ibid, p. 241. 



Introduction. xlv 

dence which now befel him, fhould be imputed to their 

caufe."^° 

After Childe returned to England, he flill endeavored to 
carry out his plans, but met with no fuccefs. Of his move- 
ments there, we find the following account in Hubbard, 
(p. 518,) which is taken, with but flight alteration, from 
Winthrop, (ii. 342.) " Dr. Childe alfo preferred a petition 
to the Committee on Plantations againfl New-England, and 
put in Mr. Thomas Fowle his name among others, but he 
hearing of it, protefled againft it, for (as he faid) God had 
brought him very low, both in his eftate and reputation fmce 
he joined in the firft petition. But it miffed the mark, how 
diredlly foever it was levelled againft the country, and not 
being able to effe61: his defign that way, he attempted 
another fort of revenge, by reproaching the place and the 
fautors thereof. For falling in talk with Mr. Willoughby 
upon the Exchange, (who not long before belonged to Charlef" 
town of New-England) he flew out in fcurrilous language 
againft the people of New-England, faying they were a 
company of rogues and knaves. Mr. Willoughby anfwered 
that he who fpake fo was a knave, whereupon the Dod^or 
gave him a box on the ear. Mr. Willoughby was ready to 
have clofed with him, &c. but being upon the Royal Exchange 
was ftayed, but prefently arrefted him. When the Do6lor 

faw 

^ Winthrop, ii. 367-8. 



xlvi Introduction. 

faw the danger he was in, he employed fome friends to make 
his peace ; by whom he was perfuaded to give five pounds 
to the poor of New-England, and to give Mr. Willoughby 
open fatisfadion in the full Exchange, and to give it under 
his hand never to fpeak evil of New-England men after, nor 
to occafion any trouble to the country, or to any of the 
people, all of which he gladly performed." We are further 
informed by Winthrop, that " God had fo blafted his eftate, 
as he was quite broken." Vaffal, finding no encouragement 
to remain in England, and that his petitions were not 
noticed, " went to Barbados." 

The excitements incident upon the trial and execution of 
King Charles, the civil war, and the acceffion of Cromwell, 
with the confequent diflurbances in England, diverted public 
attention from thefe affairs in a diftant Colony, and the 
efforts of the petitioners failed to produce any immediate 
change in ^Maffachufetts policy. Governor Winthrop re- 
ceived a letter from Fenwick,^' in the fpring following Childe's 
arrefl, in which he advifed the grant of certain privileges to 
non-freemen ; and the General Court were fomewhat influ- 
enced by the advice of an affiflant who was eledted from 

Lynn, 

" Col. George Fenwick, Winthrop's ticularly in the Conneflicut patent, he 

advifer, was a warm friend of the rulers was chofen one of the magiftrates of 

of New England. He held his com- that Colony in 1648. He died in Eng- 

miffion under Cromwell, by whom he land early in 1657. 
was highly efteemed. Interefted par- 



Introduction, xlvii 

Lynn,^^ and whofe fympathies were to fome extent with the 
petitioners; but afide from this, nothing but difafler and 
trouble were the apparent refults, fo far as Childe and his 
companions were concerned. 

In confequence of the advice of Fenwick, and the labors 
of Bridges, non-freemen, who fhould take the oath of fidel- 
ity, were to be allowed to ferve as jurymen, to have a vote 
in the choice of feledmen, the affeffment of taxes, and 
'* other prudentialls, proper to the fele6lmen of the feveral 
towns ; " but the government continued to require that ' the 
major part of all companies of feled men ' fliould be free- 
men, in order to render any a(5l of theirs valid. 

The courfe purfued by the government in the treatment 
of the petitioners, and the arrefl of Childe on the eve of his 
departure, has been generally confide red arbitrary and intol- 
erant.^^ They feem to have regarded Childe as the moft to 
be feared of any of the malcontents, and they accordingly 
decided to detain him, at all events. Whether their motive 
fhould be fought in their fufpicions of his character, — for 
many regarded him as fecretly a Jefuit fpy,^* — in a miftaken 

eflimate 

8J Robert Bridges. See Felt, Eccle- «* Felt, Eccl. Hiftory, i. 597 : Win- 

fiaftical Hiftory, i. 596. flow,»N. E. Salamander, 2d Mafs. Hift. 

"See note by Savage in Winthrop, Soc. Coll.ii. in. The poffible grounds 

ii. 355 : Chalmers, Political Annals, pp. for this fufpicion are referred to in note 

179, 180; Drake, Hiftory of Bofton, p. 41. 
297 ; et cet. 



xl vl i i Introd2iction, 

eftimate of his influence in England ; in their fear left, as a 
refult of the threatened appeal, the Prefbyterian form of 
church government might be impofed upon the New Eng- 
land churches by a Parliament who had already made it the 
flanding order in the mother country ; in their anxiety to 
enable their own agent to foreflall any movements their 
adverfaries might propofe in England ; or in a fcarce con- 
cealed determination to maintain their independence of 
parliamentary control, even at the rifk of lofmg all their 
chartered privileges ; — whether any or all of thefe motives 
had an influence over their refolution to prevent his return, 
it would be difficult now to determine. If the lafl: be the 
true motive, and Childe was regarded as the means which 
might involve the Colony in a confli(5l with a power which 
it was not yet flrong enough to hope to refifl;, there was a 
far deeper fatire in the title *' New England's Jonas," than 
any its authors fufpe6led. 

The times were critical. The refult of the conteft in 
England was uncertain ; but the temper of the General 
Court could not be miftaken. The fpirit of independence, 
which finally produced the war of the Revolution, manifefls 
itfelf with no doubtful utterances in the declaration, " If 
Parliament fhould be lefs inclinable to us, we mufl; wait upon 
Providence for the prefervation of our jufl liberties." We 
find another evidence of their feeling in Winflow's denial of 

the 



Introduction. xlix 

the right of Parh'ament to legiflate for the Colonies who 
were not reprefented there: — " If the ParHament of Eng- 
land," faid he,^5 " fhould impofe lawes upon us, having no 
Burgeffes in the houfe of Commons, nor capable of a fum- 
mons by reafon of the vafl diftance of the ocean, being 
three thoufand miles from London, then wee (hould lofe the 
libertie and freedome I conceived, of Englifh indeed, where 
every fhire and corporation, by. their Knights and Burgeffes, 
make and confent to their laws, and fo oppofe whatfoever 
they conceive may be hurtfull to them." 

While people and rulers were fo determined to maintain 
what they believed to be their charter privileges, they had 
not arrived at the point from which they could take an 
enlarged and liberal view of religious freedom. Some 
among them, like Sir Richard Saltonftall,^^ Roger Williams 
and others, were ready and defirous that civil rulers fhould 
refrain from attempting to control the confcience of private 
citizens, but their ideas were unpopular, and met with 
determined oppofition. The plant of religious freedom had 
but flow growth under the chilly fkies of Maffachufetts. In 
Rhode Ifland it was nurtured with care, and liberty of con- 
fcience became one of the mofl valued privileges ; Connecfti- 
cut followed with more tardy fleps, and, in the year 1669, 

for 

8» N. E. Salamander, 2d Mafs. Hift. ^* See his letter as quoted in Felt, 
Soc. Coll. ii. 138-9. Ecclefiallical Hiftory, ii. 60-1. 



1 Introduction, 

for the firfl time, other denominations befide the Congrega- 
tlonallfts ^^ were tolerated by law. 

In the Eledllon fermon of Thomas Shepard, 1672, he 
remarked : " To tolerate all things, and to tolerate nothing, 
(Its an old and true maxim,) both are intolerable." The 
next year, on the fame occafion, Urian Oakes followed in a 
fimilar ftrain : " I profefs I am heartily for all due modera- 
tion. Neverthelefs I muft add, that I look upon an un- 
bounded toleration as the firft born of all abominations." 
That any toleration was allowable, was a conceffion on 
the part of the clergy ; but the idea had taken root, and we 
find the Rev. William Hubbard, in 1676, pleading for the 
Baptifts, who, lefs than a generation before, had been obliged 
to feek another home to efcape perfecutlon. 

It would be foreign to our purpofe to trace the later 
growth of this principle in Maffachufetts, and its final adop- 
tion by the government ; but we think the firft organized 
movement in its behalf, will be found in the efforts of Vaffal 
and Childe. The feed they planted, at laft ripened and bore 
fruit, though they reaped not the increafe, and were regarded 
as malignant difturbers of the public peace. 

It only remains to fay, that in the following reprint we 

have 

'"'Ibid, p. 471. The General Affem- orthodox and found in the fundamen- 
bly granted this privilege, May 13, 1669, tails of the Chriftian religion." 
to thofe " approved according to law as 



Introduction. li 

have followed the copy in the Boflon Athenasum, In fpelling, 
pun6lu^ion, &c., with the greatefl care, and the pages of the 
original are marked by figures in brackets. As the Tra6l 
is of confiderable rarity, a defcription of the original may 
not be uninterefting. The fize of the page is about feven 
by five and one-fourth inches. Around the title page is a 
"metal border "compofed of four different kinds of "flowers," 
as they are technically termed. On the top is the fleur-de- 
lis ; on the right hand fide of the page, they reprefent pine- 
apples ; on the left, heraldic rofes ; and on the bottom is a 
row of fmaller ornaments, fomewhat refembling thofe on the 
top, but much reduced. With the exception of the border, 
our Title page is as exa(5l a copy, line for line, as modern- 
antique types will allow. 

The original copy of the Tradl is paged in the mofl; eccen- 
tric manner, as will be feen by the following collation. 
The Title and verfo are not reckoned in the paging. The 
fecond leaf, on which the Preface begins, has folio i, and the 
fignature is A 2 ; the paging then runs forward regularly as 
far as page 14. Page 7, (which is really the ninth page of 
the Trad,) has fignature B, and page 9, fignature B 2. The 
next folio to 14 is 9, which is fignatured C.^^ The verfo of 

this 

*8 The copy in the Athenaeum has the land's Jonas in the Library of Mr. John 

remaining fignature and the laft hne of Carter Brown correfponds exadly with 

the laft page trimmed off. We are the above. His " copy is quite perfe<5l, 

informed by Hon. J. Ruffell Bartlett, of and has all the fignatures properly 

Providence, that the copy of New Eng- marked." 



lii Introduction. 

this page has folio 8 ; the next page has folio 9 again, and 
the verfo is paged as 1 2 ; the next folio is 1 3, and the verfo 
12; the next, 13 again, and the verfo is printed in fmaller 
type, and wider meafure, without a folio or running title, in 
order to bring the whole Trad into twenty-four pages. It 
will thus be feen that there are three pages of each of the 
following folios, — 9,*! 2, and 13. To prevent confufion, we 
have noted the beginning of each page of the original by its 
true number, except that we have followed the original in 
calling the firft page of the Preface page i, inftead of the 
Title. 

So far as we have been able to difcover, no complete 
reprint of New England's Jonas has been made, with the 
exception of that in Force's Trads, (where it forms the 
third document in the fourth volume, making twenty-four 
pages,) though a portion has been reprinted in the Collec- 
tions of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society. 




i NEW-ENGLANDS t 

IJONASI 



t Caft up at I 

LONDON: 



I LONDON: | 

^ OR -f 

t^A Relation of the Proceeding's oi% 

^ the Court at Bojlon in New-England againfl di- ^ 

«^ vers honeft and godly perfons, for Petitioning for Go- -^ 

*^ vernment in the Common-wealth, according to the Lawes of *^ 

*^ England, and for admittance of themfelves and children *§* 

■^ to the Sacrament in their Churches ; and in cafe *^ 

^ that fhould not be granted, for leave to *J* 

*£* have Miniflers and Church-govern- ]X 

^ ment according to the beft ^ 

^ Reformation of ^«- ^ 

^ gland and Scotland. ^ 

*^ Together with a Confutation of fome Reports •«* 

.^ of a fained Miracle upon the forefaid Petition, being ^ 

^ thrown over-board at Sea ; As alfo a brief Anfwer to fome *|* 

X paffages in a late Book (entituled Hypocrifie umtiajked) ^ 

^ fet out by Mr. Winjlowe, concerning the Inde- ^ 

^ pendent Churches holding communion ^ 

^ with the Reformed Churches. «^ 

^ ♦€* 

I By Major John Child. | 

^ ^-^ ^ 

^ London. Printed for T, R. and E. M. 1647. !^ 

^ it 

•■[v <^ (4^ ^ <^ ^ (4^ (^ <^ (^ ^ (^ <^ 




The Preface. 




Courteous Reader^ 

HE occafion of Printing this following 
Relation, are the fufferings that not only 
my Brother Robert Child Do6tor of Phy- 
fick, with fome Gentlemen and others have 
fuffered in Neiv-England in their perfons 
and eflates by Fines and imprifonments 
there, but here in Englmtd in their repute by falfe reports 
and fained Miracles invented and fpread on purpofe by 
fome lately come from thence, and fomented by fome others 
here to colour their unjuft proceedings. 

Firft, they give out of my Brother and others, that they 
defire a Toleration of all Relisrions. 

Secondly, that they are troublefome perfons, and againfl; 
all government both in Church and Commonwealth. 

Thirdly, 



The Preface to the Reader. 



Thirdly, that fome of them are come from thence to 
Petition the Parliament for that purpofe. 

4ly. that their Petition brought from thence to be pre- 
fented to the Parliam. (which they had named Jonas) in a 
[2] Ship called the Supply, being in a florme neer Silly, out 
of horror of confcience, the Petition was torne and thrown 
over-board, and that then the florm immediatly ceafed, and 
they miraculoufly faved. 

Now for fatisfa6tion, I prefent to the Reader thefe follow- 
ing particulars. 

Firfl, the Petition of the greater part of the Inhabitants 
of Hingham and the proceedings therein. 

Secondly, a Petition of Do6lor Child and others delivered 
to the generall Court at Bq/lon with fome paffages thereupon, 

Thirdly, the Capital Laws of the Maffachufets Bay, with 
the Free-mans Oath as they are printed there by themfelves. 

Fourthly, a Relation of that flory oi Jonas verbatim, as it 
was delivered to me in writing by a Gentleman that was 
then a paffenger in the Ship. 



The 




The Petition of the greater part of the Inha- 
bitants of Hinghani, as it was taken out of 
the Records of the Court at Bojion. 



To the Honoured, the Generall Court, confijling of the Mag- 
ijiratcs and Dep2ttics of the Country nozv affembled in Cotirt 
at Bofton : The humble Petition of the greater part of the 
Inhabitants of the TownfJiip of Hingham. 

Hereas there hath fallen out fome agitations 
amon^ft us concerning the choice of our chief 
Military Officers, which by Order of the Court 
we have power to choofe (as we conceive) So it 
is that we did ele6l, and prefent to the Generall 
Court for their confirmation, Mr. Bozotme Allin for our 
Chieftain: but the Court not having time to finifli that 
bufmes at that time, fome other things and overtures have 
happened fmce, whereby it hath fo fallen out that fome of 
us have been compelled to appeare before fome of the 
Magiftrates, and to give Bonds for appearance at a Quarter- 
Court which is to be holden after this Generall Court; and 

fome 




4 New-Englands Jonas cajl tip at London. 

fome for not giving Bond to anfvver there, are committed to 
prifon, and remain there at prefent ; the matters of accufa- 
tion (as we conceive) is for certain words fpoken by fome, 
concerning the liberty and power of the Generall Court, and 
our own liberty granted to us by the faid Courts, and to the 
Country in generall ; and alfo it doth concern the Liberty 
of an Englifli free-borne Member of that State, and further 
it hath occafioned fuch difturbance and fchifme in our 
Church, and trouble to fome of our Members for witneffmg 
againfl; a Delinquent: whereby the power of the Ordinances 
of Jefus Chrift in his Church is flighted, and the free paffage 
thereof flopped, to the endangering of the liberty of the 
Churches a- [4] mongft us, if timely remedy be not by your 
Wifdoms provided. Now feeing the matters in hand doth 
concern the generall liberty of the whole Country, and the 
peace of the Churches, and glory of God, as we are ready 
upon the hearing of the Court to make it appeare ; We 
humbly fue to this honoured Court to be pleafed to grant 
us an honourable and free hearing, and that we may have 
liberty to plead our common Liberties in this Court, together 
with the liberties of the Churches of Chrift maintained. 
And we JJiall ever pray for your peace and profperiiy long 
to contimie. 

For which Petition being fined 100. 1. and the Marfhal 
fent to Hingham to levy the faid Fine : Mr. Hubbard the 
Minifler of that town being one of them that was fined, the 
Marflial coming to his houfe to levy part thereof, produced 
this effe(fl: as followeth taken out of their Records. 

THE 




New-Englands Jonas cajl top at London. 5 

THE RELA TION. 

|He 18. of the firft Monetb, 1645. the Marfliall 
going to gather 100. I in Fines of divers Inhab- 
itants of Hingham, as they were fet by the 
Generall Court, in the 3. or 4. moneth paft; 
came to Mr. Peter HiLbbard, who defiring to fee his War- 
rant, which the Marfliall fliewing him, upon a fight of it Mr. 
HtLbbard faid the Warrant was infufficient, being not fent 
out in his Majefties name, he being fworne to the Crown of 
England ; and faid that they had fent into England unto his 
Friends the bufmes, and expe6led fliortly an anfwer and 
advice from thence : And that our Government here was 
not more then a Corporation in England, and that we had 
not power to put men to death by vertue of the Patent, nor 
to do fome other things we did ; and that for himfelf, he 
had neither horn nor hoofe of his own, nor any thing 
wherewith to buy his children cloaths, And he wiflied that 
the Magiftrates would take fome courfe that the Miniflers 
might be better provided for, and he wondered by what 
order or rule the Miniflers were deprived of their Tythes : 
but if he mufl pay it, he would pay it in Books, but that he 
knew not for [5] what they were fined, unleffe it were for 
Petitioning ; and if they v/ere fo wafpifli they might not be 
Petitioned, then he could not tell what to fay, (about thirty 
or forty being prefent) And further, that he had ferioufly 
confidered what they had done, and he could not fee any 
thing that they had done amiffe, for which they fliould be 
Fined. 

Increafe Nowel, Secret. 

THE 



6 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 

THE TRIAL BY THE COVRT. 

THe names of the Jury-men at the Quarter-Court, the 
2. of the 4. Moneth, 1646. 

Tho, MarJJial Tho. Bartlet Charles Chedwick 

Tho. Boutle Edward Pa/on Richard Goode 

jfohn Clough Edward Breckl Era. Smith 

Edward Dykes John Button Edward Clapp. 

The Returne of this Jury. 

WE do find, that Mr. Peter Hubbard of Hingham, 
being a Free-man of this Jurifdi(ftion, and having 
taken the Oath of fidelity thereunto : feeming notwith- 
ftanding to be evil-affe61ed to the Government here eftab- 
lifhed; In and upon the 18. day of the firfl Moneth lafl 
pad, at Hingham aforefaid, in the prefence of about thirty 
perfons, did utter divers fpeeches which are upon record, 
tending to fedition and contemjDt of the faid Government, 
contrary to the law of God, and peace and welfare of the 
Country. 

Upon which Return of the Jury, the Court fined him 
Twenty pounds, and bound him in Forty pounds to be of 
good behaviour and to appeare at next Quarter-Court ; and 
Mr. Peck bound himfelf in twenty pounds, for the good 
behaviour and appearance of Mr. Peter Hubbard at the next 
Quarter-Court 

Increafe Now el, Secret. 

The 



New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 



[6] The Court at this Triall was kept by thefe perfons 

Mr. Wi?ithrop Governour, Mr. Dudley Deputy-governour, 
Mr. Pelhmn, Mr. Flmt, Mr. Hibbins, Mr. Nowel, Mr. Bel- 
Ii7igha7n, Mr. Broadjlreet. Only Mr. Bellingham and Mr. 
Broadjlrect required their Diffent to be recorded. 




To the Worfhipful, the Governour, 

the Deputy-governour, and the reft of the Affiftants 
of the Alajfachufctts Bay in Neiv-England, to- 
gether with the Deputies of the generall 
Court now affembled in Bojion. 

The Remonjlrance and humble Petition of us whofe Names 
are here u^zder-written, in the behalf of our felves and 
divers luithin this furifdin^ion. 

Umbly flieweth, That we cannot but with all 
thankfulneffe acknowledge your indefatigable 
pains, continuall care, and conftant vigilancie, 
which (by the bleffing of the Almighty) hath 
procured unto this Wilderneffe the much defired fruits of 
Peace and Plenty; while our native Land, yea the Chrlftian 
world is fliarply afflicled with the devouring Sword, and the 
fad confequents of Inteftine wars. And further, That you 
whom the Lord hath placed at the helm of thefe Planta- 
tions, and endowed with eminent gifts fit for fuch honourable 
callings, are beft able to forefee the clouds which hang over 
our heads, the ftorms and tempefts which threaten this poor 

Handful] 




New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 9 

Handfull here planted ; and timoufly to amend them. 
Notwithftanding, thofe who are under decks, being at 
prefent unfit for higher imployments, may perceive thofe 
Leaks which will inevitably fink this weak and ill com- 
pa6led Veffell, if not by your Wifdoms opportunely pre- 
vented. 

[7] We therefore in the behalf of our felves and divers of our 
Countrymen, laying our hands on our breafls, and ferioufly 
confidering, That the hand of our good God who through 
his goodneffe hath fafely brought us and ours through the 
great Ocean, and planted us here, feems not now to be with 
us, nay rather againfi; us, blafiing all our defigns, though 
contrived with much deliberation, undertaken with great 
care, and proceeding with more then ordinary probability of 
fuccesfull events ; by which many of good eftates are 
brought to the brinks of extreme poverty; yea, at this time 
laying His juft hand upon our families, taking many away 
to himfelf, fi:riking others with unwonted malignant fickneffes 
and noyfome fliamefull difeafes: Have thought it convenient, 
with all refpe6liveneffe, to prefent thefe our fincere requefts 
and Remonftrance to this honoured Court, hoping we have 
found out the fpeciall Leaks, which concurring with the 
many and great Sins of this place, (which our Confciences 
know, and our Brethren of England are not ignorant of) are 
the fpeciall caufes of the Lords turning his face from us, 
leaving us to our felves, and confequendy to fl;rife, conten- 
tion, unfaithfulneffe, idleneffe, and other lamentable failings, 
not bleffing us in any of our endeavours, fo as to give us 
any great hopes of Staple-commodities, and confequently of 

comfortable 



lo New-Englands Jonas cajl np at London. 

comfortable fubfiflence ; though we to the utmofl of our 
powers thefe many years, even to the exhaufting of our 
eftates and fpirits, have endeavoured the fame: but contrari- 
wife all things grow worfe and worfe, even to the threatning 
(in our apprehenfions) of no leffe than finall ruine. Not 
doubting but you will receive thefe our Requefts and Re- 
monftrance with the fame candor of mind, which we, not 
aiming at novelty and difturbance, but at the glory of God, 
our allegiance to the State of England, and good of thefe 
poor Plantations, (if our hearts deceive us not) prefent them 
unto you ; though for want of fl<:ill and other neceffary helps 
roughly drawn up; and hope that you will be more diligent 
in amending, then we in the fearching out the caufes of 
thefe our prefent calamities, &c. Not to trouble you (who 
are imployed in the moft ferious affaires of thefe Planta- 
tions) with many words, wee fliall briefly referre them to 

thefe Heads [8] 

I. Whereas this place hath been planted by the inconr- 
agements (next under God) of Letters Patents given and 
granted by His Majefty of England to the Inhabitants 
hereof, with many priviledges and immunities, viz. Incorpo- 
ration into a Company, liberty of choofing Governours, 
fetling Government, making Laws not repugnant to the 
Laws of England, power of adminiftring the Oath of Alle- 
giance to all, &c. as 'by the faid Letters Patents more largely 
appeareth. Notwithftanding we cannot according to our 
judgements cleerly difcern a fetled form of Government 
according to the Fundamentall lawes of Englajid ; which 
may feem flrange to our Country-men, yea to the whole 

World, 



New-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 1 1 

World, efpecially confidering we are all Englifli. Neither 
do we fo underftand or perceive our own Lawes or Liberties, 
or any Body of Lawes here fo eftablifhed, as that thereby 
there may be a fure and comfortable enjoyment of our Lives, 
Liberties and Eftates, according to our due Naturall rights, 
as Free-born fubjedls of the Englifh nation. By which 
many inconveniences flow into thefe Plantations, viz. Jeal- 
oufies of introducing Arbitrary Government, (which many 
are prone to believe) conftruing the procraftination of fuch 
fetled Lawes, to proceed from an over-greedy fpirit of Arbi- 
trary power (which it may be is their weakneffe) fuch 
proceedings being mofl deteftable to our Englifli Nation, 
and to all good men, and at prefent a chief caufe of the 
inteftine War in our dear Country. Further it gives caufe 
to many, to think themfelves hardly dealt with, others too 
much favoured, and the fcale of Juftice too much bowed and 
unequally ballanced : From whence alfo proceedeth feares 
and jealoufies of illegall Commitments, unjuft Imprifon- 
ments, Taxes, Rates, Cuftomes, Levies, of ungrounded and 
undoing Affefments, unjuftifiable Preffes, undue Fines, 
unmeafurable Expences and Charges, of unconceivable dan- 
gers through a Negative or deftru6live Vote unduly placed, 
or not well regulated ; in a word, of a Non-certainty of all 
things we enjoy, whether lives, liberties or eftates ; as alfo of 
undue Oaths, being fubjedl to expofition according to the 
will of him or them that gives them, and not according to a 
due and unbowed rule of Law, which is the true Interpreter 
of all Oaths to all men, whether Judge, or Judged. 
[9] Wherefore our humble defire and requeft is, That you 

would 
3 



12 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 

would be pleafed to confider of our prefent condition, and 
upon what foundation we ftand ; and unanimoufly concurre 
to eflablifh the Fundamental! and wholfome Lawes of our 
native Country, and fuch others as are no way repugnant to 
them, unto which all of us are mod accuflomed, and we 
fuppofe them beft agreeable to our Englifh tempers, and 
your felves obliged thereunto by the Generall Charter, and 
your Oaths of Allegiance : neither can we tell whether the 
Lord hath blefl many in thefe Parts with fuch eminent 
Politicall gifts, fo as to contrive better Lawes and Cuftomes, 
than the Wifeft of our Nation have with great confideration 
compofed, and by many hundred years experience have 
found mod equall and juft ; which have procured to the 
Nation much honour and renown amonglt flrangers, and 
long peace and tranquility amongft themfelves. And for 
the more fl;ri6l and due obfervation and execution of the 
faid Lawes by all Miniflers of Juflice, that there may be a 
fetled Rule for them to walk by in cafes of Judicature, from 
which if they fwerve, there may be fome Power fetled, 
according to the Lawes of England, that may call them to 
account for their Delinquencie, which may be a good means 
to prevent divers unneceffary Appeals into E7igland. 

2. Whereas there are many thoufands in thefe Plantations 
of the Englifh Nation free-born, quiet peaceable men, right- 
eous in their dealings forward with hand, heart and purfe 
to advance the publike good, known friends to the honour- 
able and vi61;orious Houfes of Parliament, lovers of the 
Nation, &c. Who are debarred from all Civil imployment 

(without 



New-Englands Jonas caft up at London. 1 3 

(without any juft caufe that we know) not being permitted 
to beare the leafl; office (though it cannot be denied but 
fome are well qualified) No not fo much as to have any 
Vote in choofing Magiftrates, Captains, or other Civil or 
Military Officers ; notwithftanding they have here expended 
their youth, born the burthen of the day, wafted much of 
their eflates for the fubfiftence of thefe poor Plantations, 
paid all affefments, taxes, rates, at leafi: equal, if not exceed- 
ing others : Yea, when the late War was denounced againfl; 
the Naraganfet Indians, without their confent ; their goods 
were feifed on for the fervice, themfelves and fervants efpe- 
cially forced and im- [10] preft to ferve in that war, to the 
hazarding of all things mod neer and dear unto them. 
Whence iffue forth many great inconveniences, fecret difcon- 
tents, murmurings, rents in the Plantations, difcouragements 
in their callings, unfetledneffe of minde, flrife, contention, 
(and the Lord only knows to what a flame in time it may 
kindle,) alfo jealoufies of too much unwarranted power and 
dominion on the one fide, and of perpetuall flavery and 
bondage to them and their pofi:erity on the other, and which 
is intolerable, even by them who ought to love and refpe(5l 
them as brethren, &c. 

We therefore defire, that Civil liberty and freedome be 
forthwith granted to all truly Engli/Ji, equall to the reft of 
their Country-men, as in all Plantations is accuftomed to be 
done, and as all Free-borne enjoy in our native Country ; 
we hoping here in fome things to enjoy greater liberties 
then elfwhere, counting it no fmall loffe of liberty to be as it 
were banifhed from our native home, and enforced to lay 

our 



14 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 

our bones in a ftrange wilderneffe. Without impofing any 
Oaths or Covenants on them, which we fuppofe cannot be 
warranted by the Letters Patents, and feem not to concurre 
with the Oath of Allegiance formerly enforced on all, and 
later Covenants lately impofed on many here prefent by the 
honourable Houfes of Parliament; or at lead to detradl from 
our native Country, and Laws, (which by fome are fliled 
Foraign, and this Place termed rather a Free State, then a 
Colony or Corporation of England) All of us being very 
willing to take fuch Oaths and Covenants, as are expreffions 
of our defires of advancing the glory of God and good of 
this place, of our duties to the State of England and love to 
our Nation, being compofed according to the laws and 
cuftomes of other Corporations of England. But all of us 
are exceedingly unwilling, by any policies whatfoever, to be 
rent from our Native country, though far diftant from it; 
valuing our free Denizations, the Immunities and Priviledges 
which we and our pofterity do, and we hope fliall alwayes 
enjoy, above the greateft Honours of this Country not 
cemented to the State of England \ and glory to be ac- 
counted though but as Ruflies of that Land, and yet that we 
may continue to write, that we and ours are EngliJJi. Or at 
leaft we intreat, that the Bodies of us and [i i] ours (Englifh 
fubje6ls poffeffmg here no priviledges) may not be imprefl, 
nor Goods forcibly taken away; left we not knowing the 
juftneffe of the war, may be ignorantly and unwillingly 
inforced upon our own deftru6lions. And that all Affef- 
ments. Taxes, Impofitions, (which are many and grievous 
if Civil liberty be not granted) may be taken off, that in all 

things 



New-Englands Jonas cafi up at London. 15 

things we may be Strangers : otherwife we fuppofe our 
felves in a worfe cafe here, and leffe free, then the Natives 
amongft whom we live, or any Aliens. Further, that none 
of the Englifh nation (who at this time are too forward to be 
gone, and very backward to come hither) be baniflied, unleffe 
they break the known Lawes of E^igland in fo high a 
manner, as to deferve fo high a punifliment. And that 
thofe few that come over, may fettle here without having 
two Magiftrates hands, which fometime not being poffible to 
obtain, hath procured a kind of banifhment to fome, who 
might have been ferviceable to this place, as they have been 
to the State of England, &c. 

3. Whereas there are divers fober, righteous, and godly 
men, eminent for knowledge, and other gracious gifts of the 
Holy Spirit, no ways fcandalous in their lives and converfa- 
tions, Members of the Churches of England (in all Ages 
famous for piety and learning) not diffenting from the late 
and befl Reformation of England, Scotland, &c. Yet they 
and their pofterity are detained from the Seals of the Cove- 
nant of Free-grace, becaufe (as it is fuppofed) they will not 
take thefe Churches Covenants, for which as yet they fee no 
light in Gods word, neither can they cleerly perceive what 
they are, every Church having their Covenant differing from 
anothers, at leaft in words, yea fome Churches fometime 
adding, fometimes detradling, calling it fometime the Cove- 
nant of Grace, fometime a Branch of it, fometime a Profeffion 
of the Free-Covenant, &c. Notwithftanding they are com- 
pelled, under a fevere Fine, every Lords day to appeare at 

the 



1 6 New-Englands Jonas ca/l up at London. 

the Congregation, and notice is taken of fuch who ftay not 
till Baptifme be adminiftred to other mens children, though 
denied to their own ; And in fome places forced to contribute 
to the maintenance of thofe Minifters, who vouchfafe not to 
take them into their Flock, though defirous of the [12] Or- 
dinances of God, &c. yet they are not accounted fo much as 
Brethren, nor publikely fo called ; nor is Chriftian vigilancie 
(commanded to all) any way exercifed to them. Whence (as 
we conceive) abound an ocean of inconveniences; Difhonour 
to God and his Ordinances, little profit by the Miniftery, 
increafe of Anabaptifm, and of thofe that totally contemn all 
Ordinances as vain, fading of Chriflian graces, decreafe of 
Brotherly love, Herefies, Schifms, &c. The whole body of 
the Members of the Churches of England, like flieep fcat- 
tered in the wilderneffe without a fliepherd, in a forlorne 
fad condition. We therfore humbly intreat you, in whofe 
hands it is to help, and whofe judicious eyes difcern thefe 
great inconveniences ; for the glory of God, and the comfort 
of your Brethren and Country-men, to give liberty to the 
Members of the Churches of Englaiid not fcandalous in 
their lives and converfations (as Members of thofe Churches) 
to be taken into your Congregations, and to enjoy with you 
all thofe liberties and ordinances Chrift hath purchafed for 
them, and into whofe Name they are baptized ; That the 
Lord may be one, and his Name one amongfl us in this 
place ; That the Seals of the Covenant may be applied to 
them and their pofterity, as we conceive they ought to be, 
till inconveniences hereby be found prejudicial! to the 
Churches, or Colonic (which we hope fhall never be.) Not 

doubting 



New-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 1 7 

doubting but the fame Chriflian favour will be fhewed to all 
the Members of thefe Churches, when they fhall retire to 
our deare native Country, (if their converfations be righteous 
and holy) ; Or otherwife to grant liberty to fettle themfelves 
here in a Church-way according to the beft Reformations of 
Efigland diVid Scotland. If not, we and they fliall be neceffi- 
tated to apply our humble defires to the Honourable Houfes 
of Parliament, who we hope will take our fad conditions 
into their ferious confiderations, to provide able Minifters 
for us, (this place being not fo well provided as to fpare 
any) ; Or elfe out of their charity (many eftates being wafted) 
to tranfport us to fome other place, where we may live like 
Chriftians, and not be accounted burthens, but ferviceable 
both to Church and State. 

Thefe things granted, by the bleffmg of God to us in 
Chrift, we hope to fee the now contemned Ordinances of God, 
highly [13] prized; the Gofpel much darkned, break forth 
as the fun at noon-day ; Chriftian charity & brotherly love 
almoft frozen, wax warm ; Zeal and holy emulation, more 
fervent; Jealoufies of Arbitrary Government, the bane of 
all Commonwealths, quite baniflied ; The wicked, if any 
fuch be found, in their courfes diflieartned ; The righteous 
adlors, in their wayes, encouraged ; Secret difcontents fret- 
ting like cankers, remedied ; Merchandizing, fliipping, by 
fpeciall Providence wafted, fpeedily increafed ; Mines under- 
taken with more cheerfulneffe, Fifliing with more forward- 
neffe ; Hufbandry, now withering, forthwith flourifliing ; 
Villages and Plantations, much deferted, prefently more 
populous; All mechanicall Trades, the great enrichers of 

all 



1 8 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 

all Commonwealths, bravely going on ; Staple-commodities, 
the life of States, prefently raifed ; Our almoft loft credit 
regained ; Our brethren of England's juft indignation, and 
therefore as from a pefl flying from us, turned to imbraces ; 
The honourable Houfes of Parliament, Patrons of Piety, 
under their wings, in thefe dangerous times, with all alacrity 
fhrowding us ; The Priviledges and Immunities which we 
and ours enjoy in our native Land, more firmly fetled ; 
Foraign enemies daily threatning, totally difcouraged ; Un- 
fetled men now abounding, firmely planted, that the prof- 
perity of England may not be the ruine of this Plantation, 
but the contrary; Hands, hearts, and purfes now flraightned, 
freely opened for publick and honorable fervices; Strife 
and contention now rife, abated; Taxes and feffes, lightned; 
The burthens of the State, but pleafure. To conclude, all 
bufineffes in Church and Common wealth which for many 
years have feemed to goe backward, beyond our defert, yea 
expe6lation, the good hand of our God going along with us, 
fuccesfully thriving. 

And fliall alwayes pray the Almighty the only wife God, 
to guide you with his wifedome, flrengthen you with his 
power, in all your undertakings, that all may be to his glory, 
and good of his people ; and that he would bleffe your 
Wifdomes with the bleffmgs of peace, plenty, and long 
dayes, &c. 

Robert Child, Tho. Fowle, Samuel Maverick, Thomas 
Burton^ David Yale, JoJui Smith, John Dand. 

This Petition was prefented to the Generall Court held at Bojlon, 
May 19, 1646. 




New-Englands Jonas caft up at London. 19 



[14] y^ Relation of the effen:s this Petition produced. 

Hough this Petition of Dr. Child was in a peace- 
able way prefented, only by two of the Subfcrib- 
ers ; yet it produced thefe effe6ls, and thus it 

wrought 

Firft, the Elders, (not all, fome few being filent) in their 
Congregations, publikely ufing feverall Expreffions, but to 
one and the felf-fame end ; as. That it was a feditious Peti- 
tion full of malignancie, fubvertive both to Church and 
Commonwealth in their foundations ; Some calling thefe 
that fo Petitioned, or comparing them to Sons of Belial^ 
yudajfes, Sons of Corah with fundry appellations of that 
nature, with fome fuch applications, which feemed not to 
arife from a Gofpel fpirit ; ufually ekeing out their Sermons 
in large and defamatory declamations both againfl their 
Perfons and Petition, yea fometimes a whole Sermon, and 
that not very fliort neither, being fpent in enlarged fentences 
to denote the deftru61;iveneffe thereof to Church and Com- 
monwealth ; yea publikely exhorting Authority to lay hold 
upon thofe Petitioners, which the fame night they did.^^ 

Nor were the Magiftrates in the mean feafon altogether 
filent, but fpake in the fame key; yea. One publikely in open 
Court gave charge to the Jury to take notice of fuch a 
Petition, and of fuch as were that way affected, for they were 

both 

®The petition was prefented at the vember. The allufion in the Text 
May feffion of the General Court, but probably refers to fome difcourfe at the 
we do not find that any of the figners latter date, 
were arrefted until the following No- 
4 



20 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 

both Prefentable and punifliable by their Law ; for he faid 
it was a wicked Petition, full of malignancie, fubverting the 
very foundations both of Church and Commonwealth, or 
words to that effedl ; And how far it reached, he knew not, 
pointing (as was apprehended) at a Capital Law there made, 
here reprinted. 

Now at the next fitting of the General Court, flx^" of the 
feven that Petitioned, were fent for by the Marfhall to come 
to the Court, where they were charged ore tenus, with great 
offences contained in their Petition and Remonftrance, 
againft the Court and Government ; and that fuch of them 
as were bound out of the Jurifdicftion, fhould enter into Bond 
with fecurity, to ftand and abide the Judgement of the 
Court, and the reft were confined, and charged to attend the 
Court to the fame end. The [15] Petitioners defired to have 
their Charge in writing, which was then denied ; and fome 
added. That was but a trick of them that they might carry 
it and fhew it in England : They replied, If the offences 
were contained in the Petition, they then mufl needs be 
fuch as concerned Government ; and that the Parliament, 
now fitting in Engla^id, were competent Judges, and could 
beft difcern fuch errors ; and therefore they did appeal to 
that High Court, and did tender fufficient Securitie there- 
fore. For which two^' of them were prefently committed, 
and forced thereby to give Bond to fland to the Order of 
that Court therein. And the Caufe afterwards came to 
Hearing, notwithflanding they did appeal to the high Court 

of 

"" The feventh was doubtlefs Mave- ®' Thefe two were Thomas Fowle and 
rick : why he was not fummoned does John Smith, 
not appear. 



New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 



21 



of Parliament, and would have given Security ; they were 
Fined, as appears by this their cenfure. And fince, two of 
them, Dr. Child and another,^' had their Trunks and Studies 
broke up, and their Papers taken away, and imprifoned 
clofe prifoners, and are in danger of their lives by reafon of 
that Capitall Law here recited. 

" The other was John Dand. {See p. xl.) 




22 





BY THE COURT; 

In the Yeares 1641. 1642. 
Capital Lawes, ejlablijlied within the yiiri/diflio7t of 

Massachusets. 

F any man, after legall convidlion, fliall have or 
worfliip any other god, but the Lord God, he 
fliall be put to death. Dent. 13. 6, &c. and 17. 2, 
&c. Exod. 22. 20. 

2. T F any man or woman be a Witch, (that is) hath, or 
X confulteth with a Familiar fpirit, they (liall be put to 

death. Exod. 22. 18. Lev. 20. 27. Dc2it. 18. 10, 11. [16] 

3. T F any perfon fliall blafpheme the Name of God the 
X Father, Son, or Holy Ghoft, with direct, expreffe, 

prefumptuous, or high-handed blafphemy, or fliall curfe God 
in the like manner, he fliall be put to death. Lev. 24. 15, 16. 

4. T F any perfon fliall commit any wilfull murther, which 
X is Man-flaughter, committed upon premeditate malice, 

hatred or cruelty, not in a mans neceffary and juft defence, 

nor 



Nevv-Englands Jonas cajl tip at London. 23 

nor by meer cafualty againft his will, he fhall be put to death. 
Exod. 21. 12, 13, 14. N7im. 35. 30, 31. 

5. T F any perfon flayeth another fuddenly in his anger, or 
X cruelty of paffion, he fhall be put to death. Num. 35. 

20, 21. Lev. 24. 17. 

6. T F any perfon fhall flay another through guile, either 
X by poyfonings, or other fuch devilifh pradlice, he fhall 

be put to death. Exod. 21. 14. 

7. T F a man or woman fliall lie with any beaft or bruit 
X creature, by carnall copulation, they fliall furely be 

put to death, and the beaft fliall be flain and buried. Lev. 20. 

15, 16. ... . ' 

8. T F a man lieth with mankinde, as he lieth with a wo- 
X man, both of them have committed abomination, they 

both fliall furely be put to death. Lev. 20. 1 3. 

9. y F any perfon committeth adultery with a married or 
efpoufed wife, the Adulterer and Adultereffe fliall 
furely be put to death. Lev. 20. 10. & 18. 20. Deut. 

22. 23, 24. 

10. T F any man fliall unlawfully have carnall copulation 
with any woman child under ten years old, either 
with or without her confent, he fliall be put to death. 

11. T F" any man fliall forcibly and without confent ravifh 
any maid, or woman that is lawfully married or 
contra6ted, he fliall be put to death. Deut. 22. 

25, &c. 

12. yF any man fliall ravifli any maid or Angle woman, 
(committing carnall copulation with her by force, 
againft her will) that is above the age of ten years ; 

he 



J 

J 
J 

&c. 

J 



J 
J 

J 



24 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 

he fhall be either punifhed with death, or with fome other 
grievous punifhment, according to circumftances, at the 
difcretion of the Jvdges : and this Law to continue till the 
Court take further order, 

13. yp any man ftealeth a man, or man-kinde, he fliall 
furely be put to death. Exod. 21. 16. [17] 

14. 1" F any man rife up by falfe witneffe, wittingly, and of 
purpofe to take away any mans life, he fhall be put 
to death. Deut. 19. 16, 18, 19. 

15. yF any man fhall confpire or attempt any invafion, 
infurre6lion, or publike rebellion againft our Com- 
mon-wealth, or fhall endeavour to furprife any Town 

or Towns, Fort or Forts therein ; or fhall treacheroufly or 
perfidioufly attempt the alteration and fubverfion of our 
frame of Polity or Government fundamentally, he fhall be 
put to death. Num. 16. 2 Sam, 3. & 18. & 20. 

Per exemplar. Incre. Nowel, Secret. 



THE OATH OF A FREE-MAN. 

I {A. B.) being by Gods providence, an Inhabitant, and 
Freeman, within the Jurifdi(5lion of this Common- 
wealth ; do freely acknowledge my felf to be fubje(5l to the 
Government thereof: And therefore do here fwear by the 
great and dreadful Name of the Ever-living God, that / will 
be true and faithfull to the fame, and will accordingly yield 
affiflance & fupport thereunto, with my perfon and eftate, as 
in equity / am bound; and will alfo truly endeavour to 

maintain 



New-Englands Jonas ca/l up at London. 25 

maintain and preferve all the liberties and priviledges thereof, 
fubmitting my felf to the wholefome Lawes & Orders made 
and eflabliflied by the fame. And further, that / will not 
plot or pradice any evill againft it, or confent to any that 
fliall fo do ; but will timely difcover and reveal the fame to 
lawfull Authority now here eflabliflied, for the fpeedy pre- 
venting thereof. 

Moreover, / doe folemnly bind my felf in the fight of God, 
that when / fhal be called to give my voyce touching any 
fuch matter of this State, in which Freemen are to deal, / 
will give my vote and fuffrage as /fliall judge in mine own 
confcience may befl; conduce and tend to the publike weal 
of the body, without refpedl of perfons, or favour of any man. 
So help me God in the Lord Jefus Chrifl;. 




26 




[i8] Concerning the throwing the Petition 
over-board as a Jonas, it was as 
followeth. 




Hen the firft fhip that came this Year 1646. from 
New-E7igland^ was almoft ready to come from 
thence ; Mr. Cotton, in his Thurfday-Le6lure at 
Bojlon, preached out of that Scripture, Cant. 2. 
15. Take us the little Foxes^ &c. In his Ufes 
took occafion to fay, That if any JJiall carry ajty Writings^ 
Complaints againjl the people of GO D in that Country, it 
would be as Jonas in the fJiip, with many words to perfwade 
from fuch Complaints in England, faying that they fliould 
feek for remedy of thofe things that were amiffe, in that 
place, & tell it not in Oath, 7ior ptiblifli it in Afkelon. He 
alfo advifed the Ship-Mafter, that if ftorms did arife, to 
fearch if they had not in any cheft or Trunk any fuch Jo^ias 
aboard, which if you find (faid he) I do not advife you to 
throw the Perfons over-board, but the Writings ; or words 
to that effea. 

Whereupon 



New-Englands Jonas cajl tip at London. 27 

Whereupon, having great * florms (as could not be other-* /„ thewmtcK. 
wife expecfted) fome of the Paffensfers remembrino: MrJ^^^" /rom^"^'. 

^ ' . «=* O Euglatid are 

Cottons Sermon, it feems were much affe(fted with what he '''''"^^-^'"'"^• 
had faid; and a woman amongft them came up from between 
the Decks about midnight, or after, in a diftraded paffionate 
manner, to Mr. William Vaffall who lay in the great Cabin, 
but for the prefent was in the Sterage-door-way looking 
abroad : flie earneflly defired him, if there were any Jonas 
in the fliip, that as Mr. Cotton had dire6led, it might be 
thrown over-board, with many broken expreffions to that 
purpofe. He afked her why flie came to him ? and flie faid, 
becaufe it was thoua^ht that he had fome Writinors asfainft 
the people of God : but he anfwered her. He had nothing 
but a Petition to the Parliament that they might enjoy the 
liberty of Englifh fubjeds, and that could be no Jonas ; and 
that if the beft of New-Englands friends could fliew him any 
evil in that, he would not prefer it. After this flie went 
into the great Cabin to Mr. Tho. Fowle in like diftra6led 
manner ; who told her he had nothing but the Copy of the 
Petition which himfelf and others had prefented to the Court 
at BoJlo7i; and flie wed, and read it to her, and then told her. 
That if flie and others thought that to be the Caufe of the 
ftorm, fhe and they might do what they would with it ; but 
he profeffed that he faw no evil in it, neither was his Con- 
fcience troubled with it. So flie took it and [19] carried it 
between Decks to them from whom flie came, and they 
agreed to throw it over-board, and it was thrown over-board: 
but the florm did not leave us upon the throwing of this 
Paper over-board, as it is reported; for they had many great 

florms 
5 



28 



New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 



ftorms after that ; much lelTe was the great and wonderfull 
dehverance which by Gods mercy he gave unto them from 
fliipwrack and drowning at the Ifles of Silly, upon the throw- 
ing of that Writing over-board ; for that was thrown over 
long before, at leaft 14 dayes. Alfo the error is the more in 
this, That the report is that it was the petition to the Par- 
liamenl that was thrown over-board ; and it was only a Copy 
of a Petition to their own Court at Bojlon, and the Petition 
to the Parliament was ftill in the fliip, together with another 
Copy of that which was thrown over-board, and other Writ- 
ings of that nature, fome of which are printed in this book, 
and were as well faved as their lives and other goods, and 
are here in London to be feen and made ufe of in convenient 
time. 




29 





POST-SCRIPT. 

Here is a book lately fet forth by Mr Edward 
Win/low of New-England^ againft Samuel Gor- 
tott, intituled \HypocriJie unmajked~\ in which 
there is a deep and fubtle Plot againft the Lawes 
of England, and Liberties of Englifli Subjecfts, and the 
Gentlemen that are now fuffering in New-England. This 
man being a principall oppofer of the Lawes of England, in 
N ew- England ; One who is ufually in place of Government 
in New-Plimoiith there. Now in N. Englaiid there are 
many feveral Governments diftin^t and independent one 
from and on the other, and none of them have, ever fince 
they came into that Country, governed by the Lawes of 
Eiigland, but by an Arbitrary government of their own, nor 
indeed can they endure the Laws of Eng. This Nezv Pli- 
moutli, where M. Win/low is a Magiftrate, was the firffc 
Plantation in New-Engla7id ; and as the reft that came after 
them thither, followed them in their Church-ways, fo they 
follow them in their Arbitrary government. And now he is 
come over hither, being fent as an Agent for the reft, 
that he may get ftrength from [20] the Parliament here, to 

maintain 



]o New-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 



maintain what they have begun, & made fo great a progreffe 
in. They have made a Law, that it fliall be death for any 
there to attempt the alteration and fubverfion of their Frame 
of PoHty or Government, as it is apparent by thofe Lawes in 
Print fet forth by themfelves, the Copy whereof is \xi pag. 15. 
of this Book fet forth; and alfo proceeded to the Fining and 
Imprifoning of fome well-affeded EngHfli, whom they fear 
will complain of this their Arbitrary government, that fo 
none may dare to feek for a remedy from the Parliament. 
We have caufe heartily to pray, That (as Mr. Baily''^ fets 
forth in his book o( Difwa/ive from the Errors of the times) 
as from Neiv-Eitgiand came Independencie of Churches 
hither, which hath fpread over all parts here ; that from 
thence alfo (in time) Arbitrary Government in the Common- 
wealth may not come hither. 

Now if any man afk how 'tis evident there is fuch a Plot 
laid down in that Book } I anfwer, (to be very briefe) I 
fliall give the Reader this light into this defigne. In his 
Epiftle before the book which he dedicates to the Honour- 
able Commiffioners for Forraign Plantations, he makes five 
Requefts to them, the fourth of which is, That they will take 
into con/ideration, how dcjlrnflive it will be to their Planta- 
tions, and proceedings there, (which faith he are growino- into 
a Nation) to anfiuer to complaints here. See and obferve 

(Reader) 

93 Robert Baily, born at Glaigow, ets of the principall Sefts, efpecially of • 

Scotland, 1599, died in 1662. (Poole's the Independents, are drawn together 

edition of Wondcr-workiiig Providence, in one Map. ... By Robert Baylie. 

XX.) We find in Sabin's Bibliotheca London, Samuel Gellibrand, 1645.' 4to. 

Ainericana the full title of the book as 12 p. 1., 252." He was prominent in 

follows: "'A Diffvafive from the Er- the Presbyterian controverfy, and Sabin 

rours Of the Time : Wherein the Ten- fays, was a friend of Roger Williams. 



New-Englands Jonas cafi up at London. 31 

(Reader) how he feeks to flop all Appeals from all their 
unjuft Sentences, whatfoever they ma}^ be contrary to the 
Lawes of E^tgland, Secondly, he would make their Honours 
to be the Inftruments to flop the Currant of the greateffc 
Liberty of Englifli fubjedls there ; he would engage the 
Parliament in it ; and wdiat a defperate bufineffe this would 
prove, every wife man may eafily fee : For being begun at 
this Plantation, by the fame rule others might feek it fliould 
extend to all other Plantations, and then why not to Ireland? 
and why fliall not example, cuftome, and fair pretences bring 
it into Wales and Cornwall fo over England! And by the 
way (Reader) mark his great boafting that they 2i\-& grozving 
into a Nation ; high conceits of a Nation breeds high 
thoughts of themfelves, which makes them ufually term 
themfelves a State, cal the people there Subjects, unite four 
Governments together without any authority from the King 
and Parliament, and then term themfelves the United Colo- 
nies, are publikely prayed for by that title ; not giving forth 
their [21] Warrants in his Majeflies name, no not in time of 
his moft peaceable government, neither taking the Oath of 
Allegiance before they take upon them their Government, 
nor ever giving it to any of his Majeflies fubjecfts, &c. Now 
(Reader) obferve their policie, they take the advantage of 
promoting this defigne, by beginning to write againfl Gorton, 
a man whom they know is notorious for herefie, that fo 
behind him they may creep and get a fliot at a better game, 
may beget a good opinion in the Honorable Commiffioners 
by writing againft fuch a evill man ; as alfo that they may 
wafli away the opinion that good men heretofore have had 

of 



32 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 



of them, that they are Separatifts and Schifmaticks, Mr. 
Wmjlozu their Agent infinuates feverall things of the good 
agreement & communion that the Independents in New- 
England hold with Prefbyterians and the Reformed Churches, 
of which he had difcourfed with fome godly PreflDyterians 
fmce his comming over into England, and faith he was 
earneftly requefted by fome of the Prelbyterian party to 
publifli to the world as much, pag. 97. and thereupon tells a 
long ftory of the Church oi New-Plymouth belonging to Mr. 
Robin/on of Leyden, holding communion with French and 
Dutch churches, yea tendring it to the Scots ; as alfo {pag. 
93.) how the reft of the Churches in New-England do fuffer 
Prefbyterians, and have offered all liberty and priviledges to 
Prefbyterians, /. 99. 100. But for anfwer, I fay there is a 
great deal of fallacie in this difcourfe, and the contrary is too 
well known and daily pradifed among the Independents 
both there and here, not admitting the mofl godly men into 
communion among them, not to the ads wherein they hold 
communion Hands properly; keeping Communion with them 
in Word and Prayer, which they admit to their India^is too. 
And let them inflance, if they can, among many hundreds, 
yea fome thoufands of Independents that have come from' 
New-England and Holland, that have come to the Lords 
fupper in our Churches, or done any ad among us, in which 
they hold Church-communion properly ftands ? 2. Rather 
then Mr. Win/low will fail of his purpofe, he will make the 
world believe that the Reformed Churches are as much 
Separatirts as themfelves are, by defcribing them with the 
fame dcfcription that the Separatifts defcribe themfelves, /. 

96. 



New-Englands Jonas cajl tip at London. 33 



96. That they are a People dijlin6l fro7n the World, and 
gathej'ed into a holy Communion (he fliould have faid Cove- 
nant, which is his fenfe) [22] and not National churches, and 
that the Jixth per/on is not of the Church (meaning amongft 
them) which falfliood of his he boldly affirms, thinking that 
many will believe becaufe he faith it, but the contrary is well 
known to thofe that know them ; for in Holland they refufe 
not to baptize any of their Country-mens children who bring 
them to be baptized, elfe would their unbaptized be feen 
amongft them as well as they are to be feen in N ew- England ; 
befides tis well known the Church of Scotland holds them- 
felves a National church, and hath a National Affembly, and 
fo theChurch of /z''^//*^;/^^^ and /t-^^;/^^ hold themfelves National 
churches againft the Independents. 3. As to the great love 
he infmuates they of New-England bear to Prefbyterian 
churches, by the example of profering certain Scots a Plan- 
tation amongjl them, where they JJiould JJiare with thern iii 
their lands, and ejijoy their liberty of Prejbyterial government, 
p. 100. I anfwer, that paffage is ftrange, and I can hardly 
believe it, that they who denied fo many godly Minilters 
well known to them, Mr. Ball^^ Mr. Rathband, &c. Englifh- 

men, 

^^ Rev. John Ball, of Whitmore, co. Prov. 104, mentions him asaPresbyte- 
Stafford, England, whofeP^w^r^T/'G^^^/- rian, and Poole gives the date of his 
linefs was edited by Rev. Simon Afhe ; birth as 1585, and of his death as 1640. 
(fee note by W. H. Whitmore, in Prince Rev. William Rathband is alfo men- 
Society's edition, Hutchinfon Papers, tioned by Johnfon, (ibid.) under the 
i. 65.) He replied to Mather's "Church- name of Rathbone, as a prominent 
Government," quoted below, in a work Presbyterian, and the author of a " book 
entitled " A Tryall of the New Church- concerning the Churches of N. E." He 
way in New-England, and in Old; wrote feveral works relating to the con - 
1644." 4to. Johnfon, Wonder-working troverfy between the Independents and 

the 



Nevv-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 



men, the liberty of enjoying Prefbyteriall government, fliould 
grant it to ftrangers of the Scotifli nation. Now that they 
denied them, is apparent ; befides Mr. Raihband and other 
Minifters teftimonies (now with God) and Mr. A/Ii"^^ of the 
Affembly and others teflifying fo much, themfelves in Print, 
in the book intituled Clmrch-government and ChiLrch covenant 
di/cuj/ed,'^^ in .ans. to the 31 queft. p. 83, 84. confeffe it, and 
give reafon of their denial. But if it be true there were any 
fuch promife to the Scots (which I much queftion) I am 
confident they had fome defign of their own in it, fome 



worldly 



the Presbyterians ; — one called a Con- 
futation of the Errors of the Setl called 
Brovvnifts, or Separatiil;s ; London, 
1644; etc. In the Declaration of the 
General Court, in reply to the Remon- 
ftrance of Childe, "Mr. Rathbeard" 
is fpoken of, as one of " the chiefe 
patrons of the Presbyterian way," 
who was doubtlefs the fame perfon. 
He was a member of the Weftminn.er 
Affembly. 

*'" The Weftminfler Confeffion of 
Faith, (Edition of Glafgow, 1756,) gives 
the name of ' Rev. Simon Aflie, of St. 
Bridges,' among the members ; Calamy's 
A'on-Confortni/ls 3Ie}noi'ial, i. 85, has a 
long account of him. His name is 
there given as Simeon. He was of 
Emmanuel College, Oxford, and the 
minifter of St. Auftin's, London. His 
ejection had been determined upon, but 
he died on the eve of St. Bartholomew's, 
before it had been carried into effeft. 
Several of his works are in the library 
of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society. 



®* The full title we have copied from 
the original in the American portion of 
the Prince Library, in the Public Li- 
brary, Bolton. It is as follows : — 
" Church-Government and Church-Cov- 
enant Difcvffed, In an Anfwer of the 
Elders of the feverall Churches in 
NEW ENGLAND To two and thirty 
Oueftions, fent over to them by divers 
Minifters in England, to declare their 
judgments therein. Together with an 
Apologie of the faid Elders in New- 
England for Church-Covenant, fent 
over in Anfwer to Matter Bernard in 
the yeare 1639. As alio in an Anfwer 
to nine Politions about Church-Govern- 
ment. And now publiflied for the fatis- 
faction of all who defire refolution in 
thofe points. LONDON, Printed by 
R. O. and G. D. for Benjamin Allen, 
Anno Doin. 1643." It is a fmall quarto, 
and on the Title page is a memorandum 
in the writing of Prince, that the author 
was " Mr. Mader," (i. e. Richard Ma- 
ther.) 



New-Englands Jonas caft up at London. 35 

worldly end or other ; as namely, That in thofe dangerous 
times, when it was likely that the times in England would 
foon be fo bad that they could not be fupplied of neceffaries 
from E7igla7id, they might then be fupplied from Scotland 
with clothes, leather, & other commodities; which Plot a 
very dull States-man might eafily have contrived. 4. As for 
that he fays, that Mr. Noyce, Mr. Parker,^^ and Mr. Hubard, 
have their liberties in Neiv-E^iglaiid, who yet are Prefbyte- 
rian; I anfwer, the Church of the two firft was founded in the 
Church way of the Independent manner, which is not anew 
conftituted, though they in their judgments are fomewhat 
different, and ftill they hold many Independent principles, 
as may be feen by Mr. Noyfes Book lately printed, though 
fome Prefbyterian principles. 5. For Mr. Hubard, dares 
Mr. Winjlow fays that Mr. Hubard was not puniflied neither 
diredlly nor indire6lly, for baptizing fome children whofe 
parents were not members of their Churches, and that his 
(harp fines & difgracefull being bound to the good behaviour, 
had no influence from the baptifm of thofe children } 6. 
Can any man think that the defpitefull paffages vented in 
Pulpits againfl the Church of England there, by fome of 
their chief Elders, calling England Egypt & Babylo7t, and 

faying 

" Rev. James Noyes, born 1608, died nence of their Presbytery." See alfo 

1656, and Rev. Thomas Parker, born Magnalia, b. iii. pt. 2, c. 25 : Lechford's 

1595, died 1677, were of Newbury, and Plain Dealing, (Wiggin & Lunt's ed.) 

are faid to have been coufms. Johnfon's pp. 56, and 85: V^Six^y, Hijloiy of New 

Wonder-working Providence, p. 68, England, ii. 17 1-2. 

mentions them as coming to Newbury Hubard is the Peter Hobart, of Hing- 

in the latter part of 1634, where they ham, ah-eady mentioned ; whofe memoir 

" began to build the Tenth Church of can be found in the Magnalia, b. iii. 

Chrift," and as noted for " the prehemi- pt. 4, c. i. 
6 



36 New-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 

faying, that out of their Church-waies we cannot go to 
Heaven, denying the Seales of the Covenant to fome, be- 
caufe they would not confeffe that there was no way of God 
lawfull to govern the Church by, but the Independent way ; 
and for no other caufe as it is ready to be proved, when ever 
Mr. Win/low or any other Independents will defire a vci^^i- 
ing, in London^ before indifferent Judges; and much more 
then I will here relate) is a fign of love to the Prefbyterian 
brethren, and of keeping communion with them. 7. Con- 
cerning the offer that Mr. VVinJlow faith was made not 
long before he came away, by the Court, to certain difcon- 
tented perfons demanding liberty for Prefbyterial government, 
that it was freely & openly tendred to them ; this is ftrange 
news to us here, for we hear not one word of that offer from 
thofe Petitioners, although here are letters from fome of 
them dated fmce M. Win/lows comming from thence, that 
relates that Dr. Child & others of them remained ftill in 
prifon, fave that D. Child hath the liberty to be confined to 
M. Leders houfe upon fecurity of 800.I. bond being given 
for his abiding there. For a conclufion of this Poftcript, I 
fliall defire the Reader by all that hath been faid, to obferve 
how Independents are all of a peece, for fubtilitie, defigns, 
fallacies, both in New-Engla7id and in Old. 




INDEX. 



Allen, Benjamin, 34. 

Allen, Bozoun, xvii, 3. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, xliii. 

Afh, 33, 34. 

Athenaeum, Bofton, li. 

Baily, Robert, 30. 

Ball, John, 33. 

Baptifts, 1. 

Barbadoes, xv. 

Barber, a Bofton, xxxix. 

Bartlet, Tho., 6. 

Bartlett, J. R., li. 

Bellingham, xviii, xxix, xxxvi, 7. 

Bendall, Edward, xxvi. 

Bermudas, ix. 1 

Bofton, xxviii, xxxvii. 

Boutle, Tho., 6. 

Bradftreet, Gov., xxxvi, 7. 

Breckl, Edward, 6. 

Bridges, Robert, xlvii. 

Brown, J. Carter, li. 

Brown, John, xx. 

Brownifts, 34. 

Burton, Thomas, petitions the General 
Court, xxiv, 18 ; fummoned before it, 
xxxiv ; fined, xxxv ; accident to, xliv. 

Button, John, 6. 

Capital Lawes, 22-24. 

Cartle Ifland, xxv, xxxvi, xl. 



Chalmers's comments on the Childe 
affair, xxxvi. 

Chedwick, Charles, 6. 

Childe, Major John, vi, xii. 

Childe, Robert, vi, ix, xxii, 18, 21, 36 ; 
vifits New England, xxiv ; petitions 
the General Court, xxiv ; reputed 
Jeftait fpy, xxiv, xlvii ; his petition 
ftigmatized, xxviii, 19 ; anfwers pre- 
pared, xxix ; threatens an appeal to 
Parliament, xxx ; fummoned before 
the General Court, xxxi, xxxiv ; his 
condu(5l, xxxi ; appeals to Parliament, 
xxxii, xxxvi ; appeal denied, xxxii ; 
charges againft, xxxiii ; anfwers to 
them, xxxv ; fined, xxxv, xxxvi ; cir- 
culates another petition, xxxviii ; pre- 
pares to fail to England, xxxix ; 
arrefted, xxxix, 21 ; his petitions 
feized, xl, 21 ; his conduct afterwards, 
xlii ; imprifoned and again fined, xliii ; 
returns to Europe, xliii ; his ftock 
fold, xliii ; his later a6ts, xlv ; labors 
for toleration, 1 ; his fufferings, 1, 36. 

Clapp, Edward, 6. 

Clark, Thomas, xxvi. 

Clerk, xxxvii. 

Clough, John, 6. 

Collier, William, xx. 



38 



Index. 



Concord, xxviii. 

Connefticut, xxvi, xlix. 

Cornwal, 31. 

Cotton, John, vi, vii, xxiii ; his Thurf- 
day lefture, vii, viii, ix, 26, 27. 

Cromwell, xlvi. 

Dand, John, ix, xxxviii ; petitions the 
General Court, xxiv, 18; an "ould 
grocer," xxvi ; fummoned before the 
General Court, xxxiv ; fined, xxxv ; 
arrefted and fearched, xl, 21 ; imprif- 
oned, xlii ; again fined, xliii ; penalty 
remitted, xliv. 

Declaration of the General Court, xxix, 

34- 

Dover, xxvi. 

Drake, viii, xxii, xxv, xxvi, xlvii. 

Dudley, Gov., xiii, xxix, 7. 

Duncan, Nathaniel, xxix. 

Duxbury, xxiii. 

Dykes, Edward, 6. 

EfFefts of Childe's Petition, 19. 

Ernes, Anthony, xvii. 

Epifcopacy, relation of VaflTal's move- 
ments to, xxii, xxiii. 

Faft appointed, xl ; ' made light of ' at 
Hingham, xl. 

Felt, xiii, xxiii, xlvii, xlix. 

Fenwick, George, xlvi, xlvii. 

Flint, 7. 

Force's Trafls, Hi. 

Fowle, Thomas, viii, ix, xxv, xxix, 
20 ; petitions the General Court, 
xxiv, 18 ; fummoned before it, xxxi ; 
committed, finds fureties and releafed, 
xxxii ; conduct on the voyage, x, 27 ; 
withdraws from the Petitioners, xlv. 

Freeman, Edmund, xx. 

Freeman's Oath, 24. 

Gellibrand, Samuel, 30. 

Gelding, Wm., ix, xii. 



Goode, Richard, 6. 

Gorton, Samuel, v, 29, 31. 

Harding, Captain, ix. 

Harvard College, xxiv. 

Hatherly, Timothy, xx. 

Hibbins, 7. 

Hingham, xvi, xxiii, xli, 2 ; petition 
from, xvii, xviii, xxvi, 3, 4 ; trouble 
at, xvii, xviii, xix, 5, 6 ; refufe to keep 
faft-day, xl. 

Hingham Church dechnes to attend the 
Synod, xxviii. 

Hobart, Peter, xvii, xix, xx, xxiii, xl, 4, 
5, 6, 35. 

Holland, 33. 

Hopkins, Gov., xxvi. 

Hubbard, Peter, fee Hobart. 

Hubbard, Wm., vi, x, xiv, xxxii ; his 
opinion of Vaffal, xv ; pleads for tol- 
eration, 1. 

Hutchinfon Papers, xx, xxi, xxix, 33. 

Hypocrifie unmafked, 29. 

Ipfwich, xxvii. 

Iron Works, xxiv. 

Johnfon, Edward, xx, xxiii, xxv ; his 
opinion of the Petitioners, xxii. 

Johnfon, xl. 

Joy, Thomas, xliii. 

Lake, Thomas, xxvi. 

Leder, Mr., xliii, 36. 

Leveret, Captain, ix. 

Leyden, 32. 

Liberty of Confcience, xiv, 1. 

Lothrop, XX. 

Marblehead, xxxix. 

Marflial, Tho., 6. 

Maverick, Samuel, xxii, xxxi, 20; peti- 
tions the General Court, xxiv, 18; his 
refidence, xxv ; fined, xxxv ; portion 
of his fine remitted, xxxvii. 
Morton, Thomas, v. 



Index. 



39 



Narraganfet Indians, 13. 

Nafhawake, xxiv. 

Neale, x, xiii ; erroneous flatement by, 

xxvi. 
New-England Gleanings, vi. 
New England's Jonas, author of, vi ; 

date of publication, vi ; replied to by 

Winflow, vi ; reafon for its title, vi, 

xi, 26 ; bibliography, li, lii. 
New England's Salamander, vi, ix, xix, 

xlvii, xlix. 
New-Englifli Canaan, v. 
Newfoundland, xxxix. 
Noddle's Ifland, xxv. 
Norcrofs, Nathaniel, xxiv. 
Nowel, Increafe, 5, 6, 7, 24. 
Noyes, James, 34. 
Oakes, Urian, 1. 
Otis, John, xxvi. 
Pafon, Edward, 6. 

Palfrey, xv, xviii, xxiii, xxvi, xxxvi, 35. 
Parker, Thomas, 34. 
Peck, 6. 

Pelham, Herbert, ix, 7. 
Pemberton Square, xxvi. 
Peters, Thomas, viii. 
Petition from Hingham, 3, 4 ; from 

Childe, 8-18 ; thrown overboard, x, 

27, 28. 
Pitt, xl. 

Poole, W. F., 30, 33. 
Presbyterianifm, 32-36 ; relation of 

VaflTal to, xxii, xxiii ; Hobart favors 

it, xxii ; favored by Parliament, xxii, 

xxvii, xlviii ; oppofed in Maflachu- 

fetts, 32-36. 
Prifon in Bofton, xli. 
Rathband, William, 33, 34. 
Religious freedom, xlix. 
Rhode Ifland, xlix. 
Robinfon, John, 31. 



Sabin, 30. 

Sadler, Richard, ix, x. 

Salem, xxxvii. 

Saltonftall, Richard, xlix. 

Savage, vi, xix, xxvi, xxxv, xlvii. 

Sayles, William, ix. 

Scilly, xi, 2, 28. 

Scituate, xv, xvi. 

Scotland, Church of, 32, 33, 34. 

Sedgwick, Robert, xxv. 

Shepard, Thomas, 1. 

Simplicity's Defence, v. 

Smith, Fra., 6. 

Smith, John, ix, xxxviii, xl, 20 ; peti- 
tions the General Court, xxiv, 18; 
removes to Rhode Ifland, xxvi ; fum- 
moned before the General Court, 
xxxi ; committed, xxxii ; fined, xxxv ; 
again imprifoned, xlii. 

Somers Iflands, xiv. 

Standifh, Miles, xx. 

Story, Judge, xii. 

Supply, viii, xxxi, xliii, 2 ; its tempeftu- 
ous paffage, ix, x, xi, 27. 

Symonds, Samuel, xxvii. 

Synod, affembled by General Court, 
xxvii. 

Toleration, xiii ; favored by Vaffal, xvi, 
1 ; oppofed by the Government, xiii ; 
petition for, to Plymouth, xx ; another 
to Maffachufetts, xxi ; in Maflachu- 
fetts, xlix ; Rhode Ifland, xlix; Con- 
nefticut, xlix. 

Tompfon, David, xxv. 

Vaffal, Samuel, xv. 

Vaffal, William, vi, ix, xxiii ; reputed 
author of New England's Jonas, vi ; 
fails for England, vii, viii, xxxviii ; 
condufl on the voyage, ix, 27 ; his 
charafter, xiv, xv ; his refidence, xv, 
xvi ; incites trouble, xiv, xix ; his 



40 



Index. 



3 



religious views, xv, xxii ; letter to 
Cotton, xxiii ; to Wilfon, xxiii ; his 
fchemes, xvi ; defeated, xx ; confulted 
by petitioners, xxxvii ; goes to Bar- 
badoes, xlvi ; labors for toleration, 1. 

Virginia, xxxviii. 

Wales, 31. 

Weft Indies, xiv, xv. 

Whitmore, W. H., xliii, 33. 

Williams, Roger, xii, xlix, 30. 

Willoughby, Mr., xlv, xlvi. 

Wilfon, John, xxiii. 

Winflow, replies to Childe, vi ; his ac- 
count of the voyage, viii, ix, x ; denies 
Childe's ftatements, ix, x ; defcribes 
Vaffal, XV ; accufes him, xix ; letter 
to Winthrop, xx ; his verfion of 
Childe's views, xxxviii ; denies the 



f 



right of Parliament to legiflate for the 
Colonies, xlix ; reply to Gorton criti- 
cized, 29-36. 

Winthrop, 7 ; defcribes Vaffal, xv ; ac- 
count of the Childe affair, xxix-xxxii, 
xxxviii ; account of the Hingham af- 
fair, xvii ; charafter attacked, xviii ; 
vindicated, xix ; prepares an anfwer 
to Childe, xxix ; liable for Childe's 
fine, xliv ; releafed from its payment, 
xliv. 

Witherell, xxiii. 

Yale, David, xxiv ; petitions the Gene- 
ral Court, xxiv, 18 ; fummoned be- 
fore them, xxxiv ; fined, xxxv ; re- 
turns to England, xxvi ; his refidence 
in Bofton, xxvi. 




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